Full text of "The New York city "Ring": its origin, maturity and fall, discussed in a reply to the New York Times"

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THE

NEW YORK CITY '^RING:"

ITS

ORIGIN, MATURITY AND FALL,

DISCUSSED.

Cv^"^

THE

NEW TORE CITY "RING:"

ITS

ORIGIN, MATURITY AND FALL.

To the Times —

If one were to attempt to correct every ordinary error con-
cerning himself which appears in print, the occasions of con-
troversy would be inconveniently frequent for the avocations
of a busy life. It is, therefore, only in a very exceptional case
that I should depart from my habit of leaving such errors to
answer themselves, or to be refuted by my acts, or by the gen-
eral tenor of my life. But articles in the Times for several
weeks past, so falsify the history of the events they discuss,
by perverting some facts and suppressing others, that it is a
right, and perhaps a duty, to vindicate the truth.

I begin by saying, that I am, in no manner or degree, re-
sponsible for this controversy. I have been concerned in no
attempt to appropriate to myself, or to any set of men, or to
any party, the merit of having overthrown the " Ring."

As credit with the public was no part of my motives, but
only a sense of duty, founded on the idea that every personal
power is a trust, I have felt no saci'ifice in awarding the most
liberal honors of the victory to others.

The Committee of the Bar Association will remember that,
when they came to Albany with their memorial, the winning
policy I indicated, was to do the work, bear the burdens, and
bestow on others the honors. That policy, and the persistent
forcing of the issue, in the glare of a vehement public opinion,
stimulated by the nearly united Metropolitan press, did
much'to carry impeachment by four votes to one, over corrup-
tions and combinations, in a body which the Times has char-
acterized as venal, and in which nearly every reform failed.

Kveii after ilu' work was coiupk-ted, and the Bar Association
met to distribute honors, I stood among its members, not to
take any share to myself, but to join in a well-merited tribute
of thanks to Messrs. \'aii Cott, Parsons and Stiekney. I be-
lieve those irentlemen would avow that there was no time be-
fore the liual vote in the Assembly, when, without my indivi-
dual eo-operation, they would have hoped for success, which
needed to be organized anew, after every reverse.

Nor is it true that I was at all disposed to withhold
credit from the Times for its services in the conflict. Its
statement that Mr. Hewitt's "civil word" was the first it
had received from any Democrat, is disproved by my printed
speeches; and when the project — afterwards abandoned for the'
best motives — was entertained of olTering it a public testi-
monial, I was applied to by its friends to join, and assented.

INSPIRATION OF AITACKS ON 3IE.

What is the inspiration of its attacks upon me during the
last mouth, I was too much out of contact with all sources of
information in current politics to be able to ascertain. Could
it be that its watchful rivals had discovered a morbid spot on
whii'h they delighted to put their lingers — had found they had
only to mention with commendation a co-worker of the fight, in
onler to provoke a column of detraction ? I waited. At last
came an article ascril)ing to me a plan to control Mayor Have-
moyer ; characterising me as " one of the most active in-
triguers of tlie day," as attempting, "by underhand devices,
lo cheat the Itopublicans out of the fruit of their victory ;"
and ascribing to me "laborious strategems," — "wonderful
mines and countermines." It asserted of me, " lie has now
hatched another magnificent device, an<l very likely supijoses
that the Mayor will lend himself to it." It tlien added, "the
I^'gislature will do nothing of the kind." And it concluded —
" If a party victory is to be claimed, %ce claim it in behalf of
(lie lii'imhlicau jHirty.''''

Next, comes a proposeil charter, containing most of the worst
features of the present, denying Mayor Ilavemeyer all sub-

stantial power over the workings of the City Government, of
which he is the nominal head ; putting him under guardians
in the exercise of the scanty authority doled out to him ; and
vesting most of the governmental power and the real influence
in executive offices with long terms, practically appointed by
bill at Albany.

MAYOR HAVEMEYEE.

Then appears another column full of similar allegations
respecting me, and of what pui-port to be statements of facts.
Among them is this : " He is said to have great influence
over Mayor Havemeyer and to he working hard to drag the
Mayor into his great '• reconstruction'' schemes. Do we owe
it to his influence, that the Mayor voted for Charles Shaw,
as Counsel to the Board of Health ? "

Now, in the whole of this mass of statement, so far as it
relates to me, there is not a single atom of truth. I have
not seen Mr. Havemeyer since December; nor at any time
since his election, except when I met him on the sti'eet ;
or he called on me to ask my opinion on some question. I
have not recommended or suggested to him any human being
for an office, or any benefit within his gift. I do not mean to
intimate that tliere would have been anything improper in
doing so ; but simply to state the fact as it is. I have not
sought to influence Mr. Havemeyer in anything whatsoever.
If my opinion would have any weight with him, or, on any
occasion would be asked by him, it is because in almost thirty
years of mutual knowledge he has looked into my mind and
heart, and in no instance has seen anytliing which was not
frank, true, disinterested and patriotic. He knows that
if I had the power, which I do not pretend to have, I would
not deflect him one hair's breadth from the line of fidelity to
his peculiar trust, as a non-partizan representative of municipal
reform, for the advantage of any party, clique or man. If he
had occasion to seek my aid or counsel, he would begin by

apoloLjiziiig for troubling rac, — so well does he know that my
thouglits aiiil tastes liini to other objects, when inclination is
not overcome by :i sense of duty. As to Mr. Cli.irles P. Shaw,
I .1.1 nut bclii-ve I sliDulil know that gentleman if I were to
meet him; an 1 I never lieard his name mentioned in connec-
tion with any appuintment until I read of his being voted for
as Counsel to the Board of Health, by Mr. JIavenieyer.

The Times not only assumes to state, with absolute posi-
tiveness, my plans and tliougbts, but, also, my arguments to
Kepublieans, and my whispers to my friends. There is not one
wnnl of truth in all these statements. I have not had any
plans dt' reconstructing the Democratic party of the city, by
any aiil of patronage from Mayor Ilaveraeyer. I do desire that
the organi/ation of the Democratic party, and of all parties,
shouKl be ill the hands of a better class of men than of late
years have controlled them. In my speeches during the last
two years, I have constantly urged the idea that without
more attention by our best men to their respective party or-
ganizations, good government, especially in a great city like
this, is impossible. All my friends know how great is my
repugnance to an active personal connection with city
politics, even in a temporary and exceptional period.
After sixteen monlhs of engrossing occupation, in the various
conlroverrsies which grew out of the municipal frauds, and
the reform in the judiciary, I consider the work I undertook, so
far as within my power, to be substantially accomplished.
E.xcept in such matters as concerned that work, from the day of
the election, I have been totally withdrawn from political
action or tlunight. In that, I am still ready to co-operate as well
as in any new legislation necessary for the city. But my atten-
tion has been occupied in repairing the long neglect of my pri-
vate atfairs, ami in gelling ready to execute a purpose which,
for some years, has been perfectly settled, and which no vicissi-
tude in State or National politics could have chanaed. This is
a period of rela.\ation in which to renovate my health by re-
pose an.l travel. The purpose, and the motive for which I have
deferred it fur two years, were slated in the ibllowing passage

from my speech at the Cooper Institute, November 2d, 1871,
as it is reported in the Evening Post:

" For myself I would gladly have escaped the burden that has fallen
upon me. I would have preferred to pass next year and this Winter
abroad, to have some repose after twenty years of incessant labor in my
profession. It M'as because I could not reconcile myself to consent that
this condition of things should exist without redress, that I deemed it
my duty, before I should finally withdraw from public affairs, to make u'.
a campaign, to follow where any would dare to lead, to lead where any
would dare to follow, in behalf of the ancient and glorious principles of
American free government."

" And, by the blessing of God, according to the strength that is given
to me, if you will not grow weary and faint, and falter on the way, I
will stand by your side until not only civil government shall be reformed
in the City of New York, but until the State of New York shall once
more have a pure and irreproachable judiciary, and until the example
of this great State shall be set up to be followed by all the other States."

OCCASION OF THIS EXPOSITION.

I have deemed tliis exposition due to Mr. Havemeyer, to
the Committee of Seventy, and the other honorable citizens ■
who are striving for good legislation at Albany. It is called
for by the elaborate and studied attempt to alarm the party
passions of the Republicans by ascribing to me acts and pur-
poses which I have never entertained ; and to excuse to the
consciences of men who have some hesitating sense of duty,
the continuance and renewal of the system of disposing of
the great trusts of this city by secret arrangements, carried
out by artfully worded legislation at Albany, which is gen-
erally obtained by dividing up offices as bribes ; of denying the
people of this city any voice in their own government, by
rendering elections nugatory ; and even refusing to the non-
partizan Reform Mayor Havemeyer any power over the gov-
ernment he is set to reform. And I now declare that, in all
the long diatribes of the T'mies^ so far as they relate to me, -,
my plans, designs, purposes, or acts, in respect to Mayor
Havemeyer, there is not one word of truth.

Having resolved to depict me as the Mephistopheles, whose
intiuence over Mayor Havemeyer was to alarm the Republi-

cans into seizing away from him the legitimate powers of his
office, the Times states a variety of pretended facts illustrative
of its theory.

In its latest article, it says : " Mr. Tilden, having very care-
fully held aloof from the contest, and systematically thrown
cold water upon it, until he saw it was practically over,"
♦ * * " ii^. -^vent about declaring that the Times would be
beaten, that ^Ir. Tweed ' carried too many guns for us.' "

The truth is, I never " declared," and never said any such
thing, or anytliing simihir, to any human being.

Nor did I "systematically," or at any time "throw cold
water" on the contest. How early I took part in it will be
discussed hereafter.

It is not true that I had any connection with the Cincinnati
nominations. The statement that no one has been able " to
extract" Irom me " a dime towards" the Greeley statue, is
equally unfounded. I was never asked but once, and made a
subscription on the spot without a word of objection.

I mention these cases as specimens of the loose statements
affirmed as positive facts witli which these articles abound. I
submit to the gentlemen who manage the Times that they go
beyond the license of legitimate controversy.

Having now disposed of these preliminary matters, I jDro-
ceed to reply to the substantial allegations contained in the
numerous articles of the Times :

They are embodied in the following specimen extracts :

MK. TILDliN TOOK NO PART IN TUE BATTLE WITH THE " KING."

•' The public will never forget that, in the greatest battle ever fought with organized
corruption in this couutry, the old Democratic leaders of New York had not the
conmgc or honesty to strike a blow."

" In ALL /Aa/ ii//t?r contest, when at times it seemed as if this Journal would bu
overwhelmed by iu enemies, or at least severely injured by their m.ichiuations, wo
never had a word of open encouragement or an act of assistance from the ancient chief 8
of ihe Democracy."

MK. TILUEX CAME IN ONLY AFTER THE RING WAS DOWN.

" They d( nouncfd when it was no longer dangerous to denounce. Then, indigna-
tion conceniinu Ihe " King " was most edifying, after " Uie king''' was down."

"Mr. Tlldcn come with Uis advice when it was very easy to give it, and the other
[eadcri hastened to run Irom the ninking ship."

" Mr. Tilden was shrewd enough to see that, unless a section of the Democratic
Party cut loose from Tammany, the whole Party must inevitably go under with Tam-
many. He cut loose in the very nick of time to save his own reputation."

HE THROWS MUD ON THE GRAVE OF THE RING.

" Just at present it is a comparatively comfortable thing for * * * jjr^
TUden * * * to throw mud on the grave of the Tammany Ring."

CAPTURING THE COMPTROLLERSHIP FRO.AI THE RING FOR THE
REFORM MOVEMENT, WASn't HIS, AND WAS BUT A TRIFLE.

" Mr. TUden's coup d'etat was not peculiarly Mr. Tilden's, and was anything hut a
wonderful coup."

MR. TILDEN DID NOT COLLECT THE PROOFS,

" We cannot, however, agree with Mr. Hewitt that to Mr. Tilden is due the credit
oi proving charges vaguely made."

TIME OF TRIAL.

" But there was a time, we beg leave to remind these outspoken denouncers of the
' Ring,' when, to attack Tweeo or Connolly, meant to attack an enormous and power-
ful interest, a gigantic corruption, backed by all the power of the Democratic party.
* * * Office, and endowment, and honor, were on the side of I he successful
scoundrels ; every possible promise of money and place w.is held out to those who
would support them, and those who opposed them had to bear a cutting storm of re-
proach and obloquy."

MR. TILDEN, WITH MR. o'cONOR AND MR. HEWITT, SEEMED

TO COVER THE " RING."

" In those days, respectable gentlemen, leading the Democratic party, like Mr.
Hewitt and Mr. Tilden, though despising, from the botlom of their hearts, the
thieves in high places, and believing them thorough swindlers, yet never ventured to
utter a word against them in public. In fact, to the distnui public, their respectability
covered the Ring's rascality. Mr. Tildkn, Mr. O'Conor, and others like them, ap-
peared the pillars of Tammany HaU."

THE TIMES, THE ELDER SOLDIER.

" Our daily incessant attacks upon Tammany bei'an in the Summer of 1870. It
was not until a year later that Mr. Tilden, or any leading Democrat, could be induced
to lift a finger or utter a word against Tweed and his confederates."

MR. TILDEN BACKWARD AND TIMID.

•i

"Mr. TUden was throughout tins period as quiet as a mouse, or, if he did appear
anywhere in public, it was generally in a position which led people to suppose that he
was on the side of the Tweed gang. He presided over their convention at Rochester in
September, 1870."

" We never questioned the fact that Mr. Tilden, all this time in his heart, detested
the Tammany gang, but he took care never to say so."

LAST COMPLAINT.

" lie came over to our side, and then did his best to keep up appearances for the
Democratic party."

" Mr. Tildtii generally manages to save himself by these somersaults at the
eleventh hour."

•' When a cnifty iiiiiii is plotting to do you some injury, he generally becomes your
accuser, ami clmr^'us you with devising the very mischief he is pn-puring to launch at
your head. Thus Mr. TiUIen and his friends are already complaining of the rapacity of
the Republicans."

ORIGIN OF THE RING.

TIk' " King" had its origin in the Board of Supervisors,
Tliat body was created by an act passed in 1857, in connection
with the cliartor of that year. The act provided that but six
persons shouUi be voted for by each elector — and twelve should
be chosen. In other words, the nominees of the Republican
and Democratic party caucuses should be elected. At the
next session, the term was extended to six years. So, we had
a body, composed of six Republicans and six Democrats, to
change a majority of which you must control the primaries of
both of the great National and State parties for four years in
succession. Not an easy job, certainly ! The individual man
lias little enough of intiuence when you allow him some chance
of determining between two parties, some possibility of con-
verting the minority into a majority. This scheme took away
• that little. It also invited the managers of the primaries to do
as badly as jjossible by removing all restraints.

It is but just to say that the Democracy are not responsible
for this sort of statesmanship, which considers the equal divis-
ion of official emoluments more important than the administra-
tion of official trusts or the well-being of the governed. In the
Assembly of 1857, of one hundred and twenty-eight members,
the Democracy had but thirty-seven ; of thirty-two Senators,
it hud but four ; and had not the Governor. In the thirteen
years, from 1857 to 18G9, it never had a majority in the Senate ;
in the Assembly but once ; and had the Governor but once up to
1869. The Republicans had the legislative power of the State
ia all that period, as they and their Whig perdecessors had
possessed it for the previous ten years.

The Ring was doubly a " Ring." It was a ring between the
six Republican and the six Democratic Supervisors. It soon
grew to a ring between the Republican majority in Albany
and the half-and-half Supervisors, and a few Democratic
officials of this city.

The very definition of a " Ring " is that it encircles enough
influential men in the organization of each party to control the
action of both party machines ; men, who in public push to ex-
tremes the abstract ideas of their respective parties, while they
secretly join their hands in schemes for personal power and
profit.

The Republican partners had the superior power. They
could create such institutions as the Board of Supervisors ;
and could abolish them at will. They could extinguish
offices, and substitute others; change the laws which fix
their duration, functions and responsibilities, and nearly always
could invoke the executive power of removal. The Democratic
members, who in some city offices represented the firm to
the supposed prejudices of a local Democratic majority, were
under the necessity of submitting to whatever terms the
Albany legislators imposed ; and, at length, found out by ex-
perience,— what they had not intellect to foresee — that all real
power was in Albany. They began to go there in person to
share it. The lucrative city offices — subordinate appointments,
which each head of department could create at pleasure,
with salaries, in his discretion, distributed among the
friends of tlie legislators— contracts — money contributed by
city officials, assessed on their subordinates, raised by jobs
under the departments, and sometimes taken from the city
treasury, — were the pabulum of corrupt influence which shaped
and controlled all legislation. Every year the system grew
worse as a governmental institution, and became more powerful
and more corrupt. The executive departments, gradually swal-
lowed up all local powers, and themselves were mere deputies of
legislators at Albany, on whom alone they were dependent. The
Mayor and Common Council ceased to have much legal autho-
rity, and lost all practical influence. There was nobody to repre-

sent the people of the city — there was no discussion — there
was no publicity. Cuiiniiig and deceptive provisions of law —
concocted in llir secrecy of the departments, commissions and
bureaus — agreed upon in the lobbies at Albany, between the
city officials and the legislators or their go-betweens — appeared
on the statute book after every session. In this manner all
inslitulions of government, all taxation, all appropriations of
money for our million of people, were formed. For many
years there was no time when a vote at a city election would,
in any practical degree or manner, affect the City Govern-
ment.

PERIOD OF RING POAViai,

The "King" became completely organized and matured on
the 1st of January, 1869, when Mr, A. Oakey Hall became
Mayor. Mr. Connolly was Comptroller two years earlier.

Its power had already become great ; but was as nothing
compared with what it acquired on the 5th of April, 1870, by
an act which was a mere legislative grant of the offices, giv-
ing the powers of local government to individuals of the
" King," lor long periods, and freed from all accountability,
as if their names had been mentioned as grantees in the bill.

Its duration was through 1869, 1870 and 1871, until its
overthrow at the election of November, wlien it lost most of
the Senators and Assemblymen from this city, and was shaken
in its hold on the legislative power of the State.

It will be noticed that the first date in the list of county
warrants bearing indications of fraud, published by the
Times in the last of July, 1871 — is January 11th, 1869.
Of tiie $11,250,000, embraced in these accounts, 1^,800,000
were in J 869; .$880,000 in 1870, before April 5th; $6,250,000
in 1870, alter that date; and $323,000 in 1871. The thorough
investigation made by Mr. Taintor, at my instance, shows the
aggregate vastly larger, but does not raucli alter the propor-
tions, . except in 1871. The periods of power and plunder
are coincidi'ut in time and nuignitude.

FORMATIVE PERIOD,

Even before the " Ring " came into organized existence, the
antagonism between those who afterwards became its most
leading members, and myself, was sharply defined and public.
It originated in no motive of a personal nature on my part ;
but in the incompatibility of their and my ideas of public
duty. I distrusted them. They knew that they could not
deceive or seduce me into any deviation from my principles of
action. As early as 1863, some of them became deeply em-
bittered, because, being summoned by Governor Seymour to a
consultation about the Broadway Railroad Bill, I advised him
to veto it.

Some years afterwards I accepted the lead of the Democratic
State Organization. I did so with extreme reluctance, and
only after having in vain tried to place it in hands in which I
could have confidence. I had seen the fearful decay of civic
morals incident to the fluctuating values of paper money and
civil war, I had heard and believed that the influence of the
Republican Party Organization had been habitually sold in
the lobbies — sometimes in the guise of counsel fees, and some-
times without any aflc-ctation of decency. 1 had left the As-
sembly and Constitutional Convention in 1846, when corrup-
tion, in the legislative bodies of this State, was totally
unknown, and now was convinced that it had become almost
universal. I desired to save from degradation the great
party whose principles and traditions were mine by inheri-
tance and conviction ; and to make it an instrument of a reac-
tion in the community which alone could save free government.
Holding wearily the end of a rope, because I feared where it
might go if I dropped it, I kept the State organization in abso-
lute independence. I never took a favor of any sort from these
men, or from any man I distrusted. I had not much power in
the Legislature on questions which interested private cupidity ;
but in a State Convention, where the best men in society and
business would go, because it was for but a day or two, those
with whom I acted generally had the majority.

1869,

T had no more knowledge or grounds of suspicion of the
frauds of 1869, as they were discovered three years after-
wards, than the Times or the general public. But I had no
faith in the men who became known as the " Ring," and they
feared me. I had no personal animosity ; but I never concili-
ated them, and I never turned from what I thought right, to
avoid a collision.

The first impulse of their growing ambition and increased
power, was to get rid of me and possess themselves of the
Democratic State Organization. Their intrigue for this pur-
pose was conceived and agreed upon in the Winter, at Albany,
I knew it, but I did nothing till August. Then I accepted the
issue ; and they were defeated by seven-eighths of the Conven-
tion. The country papers of the Republican Party were full
of the subject. The files of the T^mes show that the contest
attracted public attention. That these men and I were not
in accord, was known wherever in the United States there was
the least information on such subjects.

This year was marked by the saturnalia of injunctions and
receiverships.

In April and May, in speeches in the Circuit Court of the
United States, I denounced the orders granted by Barnard to
F'isk against the Pacific Railroad Company, as perversions of
the instruments of justice, bearing on their face bad faith. I
had reason to believe that Tweed was a partner in this free-
booting speculation; and his son was Barnard's Receiver.
The contest excited universal attention. My motive in taking
the case, with great inconvenience to more important business,
was the abhorrence I felt of the prostitution of judicial power
which touched the rights and interests and honor of every man
in the community ; and the consideration, that on being ap-
plied to by the Company in its extremity, I had advised that
the orders in Barnard's Court, for the seven months previous,

were nullities, and the acceptance of that advice seemed to
impose on me the obligation to maintain it, as was done
successfully,

I declined retainers from Fisk in matters involving no scan-
dal, but in which he had not my sympathy, after he had in-
formed me that he had paid a counsel, during the year, many
times the largest fee I had ever received ; adding, " we don't
want anybody else — we want you."

My open denunciations of the judicial abuses, so frequent at
this time, and the general support I had received from the
country delegates, I have always believed to be the origin of
the reaction by which, instead of a third subject for impeach-
ment, Judge Brady was nominated.

In December, I signed the call for the meeting at which the
Bar Association was formed. At that meeting, on the first of
February, 1870, upon being called on, I gave utterance to my
unpremeditated thoughts, in words which stand, without any
change, as they were reported in the official proceedings of
that body. They were generally deemed to breathe a tone of
defiant independence. Among those thoughts were these :

"If the Bar is to become merely a mode of making money, making it
in the most convenient way possible, but making it at all hazards, then
the Bar is degraded. (Applause.) If the Bar is to be merely an institu-
tion that seeks to win causes, and win them by back-door access to the
judiciary, then it is not only degraded, but it is corrupt. (Great
applause.)

" Sir, I am as peaceable a man as my friend Nicoll, yet I confess that
his words of peace sounded a little too strong in my ears. The Bar, if
it is to continue to exist, if it would restore itself to the dignity and
honor which it once possessed, must be bold in aggression. (Great ap-
plause.) If it will do its duty to itself, if it will do its duty to the pro-
fession which it follows, and to which it is devoted, the Bar can do
everything else. It can have reformed constitutions, it can have a re-
formed judiciary^ it can liave the adniinutration of justice madepMJ'e and
honorable, and can restore both the Judiciary and the Bar, until it shall
be once more, as it formerly was, an honorable and elevated calling.
(Applause.)

I may mention, in passing, that at this time judicial reform,
of which the Times was last year so useful a champion, had

not then interested it enough to bring into its columns a full
report of that important meeting.

CONTEST OF 1870.

For tlic first tiino, in four-nnd-twenty years, the Democrats
had, in ISVO, tlic law-making ]»ower. They had in the Senate
ju.st one vole, and in the Assembly seven votes, more than
wore necessary to pass a bill, if so rare a thing should happen
MS that every member was jnesent and all should agree.

'i'his result brought more dismay than joy to the "Ring."
Tliey had entrenched themselves against the people of this
city in the T.egislalive bodies. But the Democratic party was
bound, l)y countless pledges, to restore local government to
the voting i)ower oi the ))eoj)le of the city. The " Ring "
coidd trade in the lobbies at AU)any, or with the half-and-half
Supervisors m the mysterious chambers of that Board. They
Miiglit even risk a popular vote on Mayor, if secure in the
depnitments which had all the ])atronage, and could usually
elect their own candidate. But they had no stomach for a
free fight, over the whole government, at a separate election.
Their motives were obvious, on a general view of their hu-
-m.in nature. None but the"J\ing" then knew that, in the
secret recesses ot the Supervisors, and other similar bureaus,
were hid ten niillinns of l>ills largely fraudulent, and that, in
the perspective, were eighteen other millions, nearly all fraud-
ulent.

THE SHAM.

A sham was necessary to the "Ring." Mornl support Avas
necessary to sustain their imposture. None of the "Ring"
ever canu' near n\v ; but Mi\ Nathaniel Sands often called to
talk over city reform. He sometimes brought my honored
.iiid csUcincd f, lend, Mr. Peter Cooper. They were convinced
Miat the " Rnig " had become conservative — were not ambi-
tious of more wealth — were on the side of the tax-payers.
There was thought to be great peril as to Avho might come
in, in case the " King " s-hould be turned out.

I told Mr. Sands I would shelter no sham. T would co-
operate with anybody for a good charter. The light and air
of Heaven must be let in upon the stagnant darkness of the
city administration. The men to come into office must enter
after a vote of the people. I did not believe the " Ring "
would agree to that. I would agree to nothing else.

The " Ring " did not want any conference with me. They
tried their own plan. It failed ignominiously. After it was
defeated, none were so poor as to do it reverence.

ever had the slightest chance of revival without a
general support of the Republicans. Not only were three
Democratic City Senators against it, but enough Democratic
Senators from the country would vote againstit, if their votes
could be made effective.

OPPOSITION.

Durinsc the lull, I had conferences with Mr. Jackson S.
Schultz, then President of the Union League Club ; Mr.
Nordhofli, of the Post ; Mr. Greeley, of the Tribune ; Mr.
Marble, of the World, and many others. I entered into no
alliance with the " Young Democracy " for future political
power, and for weeks was ignorant even of their meetings, I
did accept from Mi*. Marble two invitations to attend consul-
tations on a draft of a Charter; and certain fundamental ideas,
on which he and I insisted, were conceded. These were a sep-
arate Municipal election in each Spring, a new election before
the Executive offices should be filled, the subjection of all offi-
cers to a practical responsibility, and terms of office which
should preserve to each successive Mayor his supervisory powers
over the government of which he is the head. These ideas
were concurred in by the Union League Club, and by the
other gentlemen I have mentioned.

THE CONFLICT.

Suddenly a Charter was sprung by Mr. Tweed, and rushed
forward very fast,

I was convinced it would pass. A clerk in one of the public
offices came privately to tell me " the stuff had been sent up."

There was a movement to resist it. Mr. Schultz, Mr. Bailey
and others were in motion. The Union League Club ap-
pointed a committee of fifteen to go to Albany to remonstrate.
My co-operation was asked. 1 had little hope. I expected a
large Republican support of Mr, Tweed's scheme. But I
thought it riglit to do the utmost for those who were willing
to make an effort. I felt more scorn than I ever remember to
have felt for the pusillanimity which characterized the hour.
I liad no objection to hang up my solitary protest against the
crime about to be committed. I made a speech before Mr.
Tweed and liis Committee of the Senate. An unrevised re-
port was published at the time. It contains the following
passages :

" By the ,^r.<(< appointment of these various officers, self-government
in the people of the Cit)^ of New York is in abeyance for from four to
eight yedvs. Sir, by that bill the appointment of all these officers is to be
made by a gentleman noic in office. It is precisely as if in the bill it
had read : Not that the Mayor shall make these appointments, but the
INDIVIDUAL who to-day fills that ofljce. * * * The act

proceeds in the same way in which the acts creating commissions have
done. A gentleman is designated who makes these appointments. To
all iiractical intent ti and jnirpoxes they are commissions just as under
tlie old system. * * * Under the Republican system of
Commissioners, the Street Department and the Croton Board have been
reserved to the control of the city authorities. Thejr stand, as under
the old system, anterior to the time when these Commissions began to
be formed. * * * tjkj Mayor has no power over these
functionaries, except to impeach them, and all experience has shown
that that is a dilatory and insulBcient resource, not to be relied on in
the ordinaiy administration of the Government. * * * On
the 31st December, by the provisions of this bill, the term of (the
Mayor's) office will expire. Then, Sir, what will be the situation of his
mic/^essor ? For two years he will have no poiver whatever over the
administration of the government of which he is the nominal head.
A.11 these functionaries survive him. Their terms go beyond 7ds term
and he has not tlie power to remove them, not the power to enforce any
practiced rexfion.vbility as against them, lie is a mere cipher. Then, Sir,
at the end of two years another election takes place, a/w^/^cr Mayor is
elected. Still these officers extend their terms clear beyond his the
shortest of them being for four years, and tlie longest of them for eight
years, many of them for five. * » * ^jjig charter is defec-

tive in another respect, in that it makes the election of charter officers
coincident with that of the State and Federal officers. The municipal
election of a million of people is of sufficient importance to be dealt
with by itself, and by so doing you amid mixing of municipal interests
with State and national interests. * * * "What I object to in
this bill is that you have a Mayor without any executive power ; you
have a Legislature without legislative power ; you have elections
without ANY power in the people to affect the Oovernment for
the period during which these officers are appointed. It is not a
popular Government, it is not a responsible Government ; it is a
Government beyond the control and independent of the will of the people.
That the Mayor should have real and substantial power is the theory we
have been discussing for the last four or five years. It is the theory
upon which we have carried on our controversies against our adversaries,
and are now here. * * After a period of twenty years, for the first
time, the party to which I belong possesses all the powers of the Gov-
ernment. I have a strong and anxious desire that it should make for
the city of New York a Government popular in its form. Mr. Chair-
man, I am not afraid of the stormy sea of popular liberty. I still trust
the people. We, no doubt, have fallen upon evil times. "We, no doubt,
have had many occasions for distrust and alarm ; but I still believe that
in the activity generated by the effectual participation of the people in the
administration of the Oovernment, you would have more purity and
MORE SAFETY than Under the system to which ice have been accustomed. It
is the stagnation of Bureaus and Commissions that evils and abuses are
generated. The storms that disturb the atmosphere clear and purify it.
It will be so in politics and municipal administrations if we will only
trust the people."

The bill passed. An intenser animosity than was excited
against me in the men who thus grasped an irresponsible des-
potism over this City, cannot be imagined, Mr. Tweed
threatened to Lieut. Gov. Beach that they would depose me
from the State Committee ; and met the answer : " You had
better try it."

KBAL NATURE OF THE LAW.

Let us pause a moment to consider the real character of that
law, fraudulently called a City Charter. Mr. Tweed's case
will illustrate its operation. He had never been able to become
Street Commissioner. Charles G. Cornell was appointed to
that office by a Republican Mayor, and Mr. Tweed made Dep-

uty. When tlie oflSce became vacant, Mayor Hoffman could not
be induced to appoint Mr. Tweed. George W. McLean was
appointed, anrl Mr. Tweed remained Deputy. He liad now been
turned out as Deputy, and could not get back. On the loss
of his office, all his political power turned to dust and ashes.

The Tweed Charter vacated the office of Street Commissioner
and of the functionaries of the Croton Department, within five
days, vesting all their powers in a Commissioner of Public
Works, and required Mr. A. Oakey Hall to appoint that Com-
missioner. It was known to everybody that Mr. Tweed was to
be appointed. The act passed on the 5th, and on the 9th Mr.
T veed was appointed. His term was four years. The power
cf the Governor to remove him on charges was repealed, and
all powers of removal by the City Government. Impeach-
ment was restricted by the condition that the Mayor alone
could prefer charges, and trial could only be had if every one
of the six Judges of the Common Pleas was present.

ILLUSTRATION,

In ancient times offices were conferred by grant from the
sorereign. This was conferred by grant from the State.
Let us suppose the act had run in these words :

" We, the People of the State of New York, represented in Senate and
Assembly, do, by our Su/.eme Legislative authority, hereby grant to
William M. Tweed, the olTice of Commissioner of Public Works; and
annex tiiereto, in addition to the powers heretofore held by the Street
Commissioner, all the powers heretofore held by the various officers of
the Croton Department, To Have and to Hold the same for four years,
with the privilege of extending the term by surrendering any remnant
thereof, and receiving a re-appoint mCnt for a further new term of four
years; which ottice sliall ha free and discharged of the power of the Gov-
ernor to remove for canse on (charges, as in the case of Sheriffs, and of!
all power of removal by the City Government; and absolutely of all
accountability whatsoever, unless Mayor Hall, or some successor, shall
choose to prefer articles of impeachment to tlie Court of Common Pleas,!
and unless all the six judges shall attend to try such articles."

I aver that such was exactly the operation of that act. The!
legal effect and the practical working of the act were iden-j
tically the same as if it had been expressed in these words. [

THE " ring" enthroned OVER THE CITY.

In like manner, the offices of three ot the five heads of the
Parks were granted for five years to Peter B. Sweeney, Thomas
C. Fields and Henry Hilton, giving them the control of
the Central Park and every park in the city, and of the Bou-
levards ; suppressing Mr. Green, and removing Messrs. Steb-
bins, Russell and Blatchford. The office of Chamberlain was
granted to Mr. John J. Bradley. The Department of Police
was granted for from five to eight years to Messrs. Henry
Smith, B. F, Maniei-e, Bosworth and Brennan. The Depart-
ments of Health, Fire, Excise, Charities, Docks and Buildings
were granted to others. By an amendment passed twenty
days later, Mr. Connolly and Mr. O'Gorman were brought in-
to the same category.

Such a concentration of powers over this city was never
before held by any set of men or any party as was thus vested
in the " Ring."

The true character of this fraudulent measure was at once
fully exposed. The issue was made by Messrs. Schultz,
Bailey, Varnum, Greeley and others, and by the Union
League Club. All the features of the act were pointed out
in their resolutions and remonstrated against. They were dis-
cussed, condemned and denounced in my speech published at
the time. They were ably exposed by the World, the Even-
ing Post, the Swi and the IVibune.

THE MEAJTS.

It would seem incredible that such a violation of the rights
of the people, and of all just ideas of government, even if
these extraordinary grants had been to the best men in the
community, could be passed. No such thing would have been
even excusable, unless for a short time as a temporary
dictatorship in a public extremity. It was adopted as a per-
manent measure ; and the grant w as to men who were the
objects of suspicion; who, in little more than a year after-
wards, were hunted from human society, as well as from office,

are now arraigned by the State in civil and criminal actions.

The air was full of rumors of corruption. Tlie great public
trusts, involvincc the interests, safety and honor of a million
of people, had been divided up as bribes. It was everywhere
said that the crime had taken a grosser form ; and that Sena-
tors and Assemblymen had been bought with money to vote
for this iniquity. A year later, it was, stated in the news-
papers, on the authority of Judge Noah Davis, as derived
from a well-known member of the lobby, that the price paid
to six leading Republican Senators was to each ten thousand
dollars for the charter, and five thousand for the kindred bills
of the session, and five thousand for similar services the next
year.

Shortly after this revelation, while the revolt of forty thou-
sand Democrats in this City Avas taking its representation away
from the " King," the Republicans of the interior were re-
electing five of these six Senators as their contribution, with
many other similar characters, to the " Reform " Legislature.
Those five Senators now sit in the highest seats of the Grant
Re])ublican Sanhedrim at Albany.

The Times has for a long while been as " still as a mouse "
about them,

WUO BETKATED THE CITY t

There nave been two great battles aajainst the " Ring."
The first was in Albany in April, IS^O. That was to prevent
the "Ring," while only objects of suspicion, from being en-
throned in absolute dominion over the people of this city. The
loss of that battle made no change possible until the Senate
could be changed. The election for Senators did not come until
November, 1871, Then was the second great battle — made
necessary by the loss of the first.

Who was responsible for that disastrous day, when the
beginning of the crimes afterwards discovered was shrouded
in darkness and their larger development made possible? Was
it Mr. TildenV Mr. O'Conor ? Mr. Hewitt? Did their " res-
pectability cover the ' Ring's ' rascality," as the Times charges ?

The Times itself shall answer.

On the 6th of April, 1870, the day after the passage of the
act granting New York city to the " Ring," the Times, in an
article headed " Municipal Reform," hailed this measure as a
reform ; derided the Union League Club and Mr. Greeley
with their "^entire lack of influence," in that " so pronounced
an expression " against the charter had not " been heeded by at
least one Republican Senator^'' and said that

"If it shall be put in operation by Mayor Hall, with that regard toi the general
welfare which we have reason to anticipate, we feel sure our citizens will have reason
to count yesterday's work in the Legislature as most imp07'tant and salutary."

On the 8th it declared :

" Senator Tweed is in a fair way to distinguish himself as a reformer /" that " he
had put the people of Manhattan Island under great obligations," &c. * * *

We trust that Senator Tweed will manifest the same entrgy in the advocacy of this last
reform which marked his action in regard to the charter.'''

On the 11th it published Mayor Hall's instrument, dated
the 9th, making the appointments to all the municij^al offices.
Among them were the following :

Department of Public Works, William M. Tweed.

! Peter B Sweeney,
Thomas C. Fields,
Henry Hilton.

( Henry Smith, B. F. Maniere,
" Police J •' '

' I Bosworth, and Brennan.

Chamberlain, John J. Bradley.

and so on.

On the 12th it jeered the Union League Club, Mr. Greeley
and Mr. Tilden. It commented on a remark in Mayor Hall's
paper making tlie appointments, in which he said he would
have been politically justified in conferring them all on Demo-
crats ; and replied " that the Republicans were rather useful to
" the authors of the neio charter in the recent contest /" that
" but for the Republicans, the Young Democi-acy might to-day
" be at the top of the tree ;" that " Mayor Hall and his associ-
" ates will doubtless show a proper appreciation of the assist-
" ance rendered them by the Republica?is when the enemy were
" crying war to the knife, and the knife to the hilt."

" On the 13th it said, " As a whole, the appointment of the

" heads of the various deparfmentp of the City Govcrnmerit
" whirli liave been an'notinced by tlie JMayor, are far above ihe
" avfrai;e in point of personal fitness, and should be satisfactory.
"We feel inclined to be thankful, if not entirely satisfied Avith
"the result."

"It also asserted that the charter and eleclion law '■'■could
" not have been sec?/refZ without the help of the EeprdMcans i7i
" the Zegislatvre, and hence, the credit is as much theirs as it
" is of the TwEKi) democracy."

The "King" having possession of the Tammany Society,
in which Mr. Tilden had not_sct lus^foot, during their ascend-
ency, at the election of April. 18th, put up a sham ticket on
which they placed the names of persons whom they hated,
and gave it a few of their own votes to exhibit the appearance
of a contest.

On the 19th, the Times, under a flaming notice headed
" Now is the triumph of Tweed 'complete," exulted over the
prostrate Tilden, x\. IL Green and others, " heroes of the
O'Brien faction."

On the 21st of May, it had a commendatory notice of Mr.
Peter B. Sweeney, presiding over a meeting of the Commis-
sioners of Public Parks, and added ^'■that he will he faithfxd
" to his word, the meeting yesterday afforded 2i fresh gvarcmty.''''

IMMEDIATE CONSEQUENCES.

The 5th of May was a day destined to be famous in our
municipal annals. Some mysterious and insensible influence
seenied to debilitate the tone of the Times in its utterance that
morning. It spoke feebly of " reforms made possible by the
recent legislation at Albany." Was the atmosphere dark and
murky with what was going on in the New Couit House at
the same moment?

There the single meeting of the Board of Special Audit was
being held. Jlnll and Tweed and Connolly were making the
order for T .• 'payment of the $6,312,500, of which scarcely ten
per cent, in value was realized by the city. Tweed got
twenty-four per cent., and his agent. Woodward, seven. The

brother of Sweeney, ten — Watson, seven — twenty went to par-
ties not yet named in the forms of legal proof — thirty-three
went to the mechanics, who furnished the bills ; but their share
had to suffer many abatements. Garvey had advanced, March
30, $10,000, to go to Albany; and again, April 17, $40,000,
making $50,000. Ingersoll also had to send $50,000 ; Keyser,
$25,000 ; Miller, $25,000 ; Hall, $25,000 ; and others their
quotas ; and then they had to do work on city houses and
country houses, and make furniture, and to paint, to supply
safes, and perform miscellaneous services — out of their third.

As the time advanced, the percentages of theft mixed in the
bills, grew. Moderate in 1869, they reach 66 per cent in 1870,
and later 85 per cent. The aggregate of fraudulent bills, after
April 5, 1870, was, in the rest of that year, about $12,250,000,
and in 1871, $3,400,000. Nearly fifteen and three-quarter
millions of fraudulent bills were the booty grasped on the
5th of April, 1870. Fourteen — perhaps fifteen millions of it
was sheer plunder.

The victory of the 5th of April enabled the " Ring" to
cover up what had been already stolen, and to go forward on
a far larger scale, and commit these enormous robberies.

THE SUMMER OF ] 870.

The Times is in error in saying that its " daily, incessant
attacks on Tammany began in the Summer of 1870." There
is not a word of that kind in its editorials in all that Summer.
Until the 20th of September, it kept " still as a mouse," as it
says Mr. Tilden did. Then it first touched the subject inci-
dentally to an article on the Democratic State Convention held
the next day.

The stillness of Mr. Tilden left ringing in the ears of the
people his unavailing protest and his denunciation.

The stillness of the Times left echoing in the public ear its
boast that " the credit'''' of the " Ring " supremacy belonged
" as m.uch to the Republicans as to the Tweed democracy.''''

Three days later, it began a series of elaborate attacks,
not really upon the " Ring," but upon their foe, Mr. Tilden,

It accused him of "going to Rochester to preside over
Tweed's convention;" and it has repeated the statement
many times lately. Tlie truth is, he did not pi-eside, and it
was not Tweed's convention.

It was my official duty to move the appointment of the
temporary chairman, and it was customary to precede the
motion by an address upon National or State politics. That I
did. The Convention was a body of honorable and respected
cjentlemen, except a few members of the " King," who got in
as delegates by means of the power and prestige the Times
had helped them to acquire, and in Avhom it had expressed its

confidence after their then recent public assumption of the
municipal offices.

I had not even the benefit of its first beginning of retrac-
tion. That happened after I had gone to the Convention, and
was not communicated to me by telegraph.

To have stayed away would have been to abandon my watch
and guard. True men, in the intervals of battle, rest on their
arms. Tliey do not run away.

But the limes complains that I did not denounce the
i " Ring " in my speech. Neither they nor their doings Avereat
issue. There was no new suspicion of them after they had
been accepted as rulers of the metropolis by the nearly unan-
imous vote of both houses of the legislature, aided by the
Times. The general public had acquiesced in the disposition
to try them again. The whole press assented. Nearly
everybody began to make relations with them. I did not.
I stood aloof. The Republican State Convention had been
held two weeks before. Senator Conkling, Mr. George
VVillam Curtis and others addressed it ; but not one of them
had a word to say about the surrender of the metropolis to an
autocracy ; or of the character of the men to whom this
ignominious betrayal had been made. How could they ? The
" credit " of it was " as much due " to " the Republicans as to
the Tweed Democracy."

Nothing was left me to do but to await the issue of the por-
tentous experiment. As to their frauds at elections, I had no

means of knowledge more than other citizens ; but I had sent
to Albany a carefully prepared Election Law, which had been
examined and approved by leading Republicans of this city.
The Republican Senators rejected it, and took Tweed's Election
Law with Tweed's Charter. The Times boasted over this elec-
tion law as " by far the more substantial reform of the two."
I feel scarcely able to enter into the comparison of the relative
merits of the two measures. The " substantial reform" knovtn
as the Election Law, was the means by which Mayor Hall ac-
quired such immense power over the inspectors and canvas-
sers, and all the machinery of the elections, that the " Ring"
began to think they could get along without the voters. It
suppressed the opposition of the practical politicians in the
wards, who saw how it was capable of being worked. In the
contest of 1871, it discouraged them from joining us more
than any other power wielded by the " Ring." In some dis-
tricts, men of great local influence openly said, it was of no use
to run a ticket so long as that power could be exercised against
them. The Reformers were generally appalled by it. I had
confidence, — because I counted on the intensity of the popular
ferment as likely to permeate and weaken all the agencies of
the " Ring," and to swell the wave of opposition until it
should sweep over all artificial obstructions.

If the value of a thing is to be measured by what it costs,
we are thrown back to a statement made to Judge Davis
of the price paid to the leading Republican Senators.
Five thousand dollars for the Election law, and for Section
Four of the Tax Levy, under which the $6,000,000 of the
special audit were acquired, was, perhaps, as cheap as ten
thousand dollars for the Charter. The agents of the Citizens'
Association cost only a few ofiices. The Times threw itself
in gratuitously. My defence, if I need one, for not stopping
the " Ring " from cheating at elections, is that I tried to do
so but could not. I was beaten by the Republican Senators,
and the Times.

COURT OF APPEALS.

Soon after the disastrous failure to secure self-govern-

ment for our people, a lawyer of this city came to me, and
said that the best thing for me to do Avas, to endeavor to
secure a good Court of Appeals. My recollection is, that the
general teim for this dej)artment, tM'o of the three members
which have since been expelled for corruption, had, at
that time, just been constituted. I ielt that to m.ake civil
rights safe in the second and last appeal was of great value ;
and set about the work. In the meantime, a distinguished
gentleman from the interior, came to propose to me to riin
as Chief Judge of the new court, and to assure me of a support,
which I understood would carry with it the State administra-
tion and everything, jealous of or hostile to me throughout the
State. It Avas evident that I was considered less dangerous
at the head of the Court than at the head of the State Com-
mittee. I answered that I thought I should not be de-
pendent on any such help if I desired the nomination ; but
that it was not in accord with my plan of life to desire or take
the office. I did issue a private appeal for the formation of
a good court to nearly all the Democratic lawyers of the
State, and to other prominent men. Many of the foremost
members of the bar came to the convention, r.nd we nominated
and elected five of the seven members of a court which has
the complete confidence of the bar and the people. After
the judicial election I went on business into distant States until
late in the Summer.

WINTER OF 1871.

I did not set my foot in Albany during the session of 1871.
The Times frequently said, " Such men as Mr. Samuel Tilden
have no real influence.'''' If the Times meant no influence in what
was then the political and legislative Sodom of the State, there
is no exaggeration in the assertion. Men who are bought on
great questions are in no situation to disobey on inferior matters
which are really insisted on. Mr. Tweed was never so
supreme over nearly the whole body of the Republican mem-
bers ; and, with their aid, could despise, or suppress and punish,
every revolt on the Democratic side. And he had acquired

the prestige of Puccessful power. The Democrats had not
in either house, one vote to spare from the number necessary
to pass a bill. But Mr. Tweed was no worse off that he was
completely dependent on his alliances with the Republicans.
Nearly every bad measure passed without any opposition, or
with only a sham opposition. The Times, on one occasion,
complained that the root of the evil was in the apathy of the
Republican party of the city. There was force in the state-
ment. The prejudices, the party passions, the interests of
ambitious men, make the opposition the natural organ of the
discontents of society with the ascendant power, which at this
time had some pretext for calling itself Democratic, though,
in truth, it was a " Ring " of both j^rties. The combination
had such control over the Republicans at Albany and in this
city, that a revolution in the Republican party was necessary
to create an opposition ; and, without an opposition, dissenting
Democrats were powerless. In stimulating the party animosity
of the Republicans, even though by vague appeals, or if for
merely partisan ends, the Times rendered valuable service in
a preparation for the future. But time was necessary.

It is wholly untrue that at any moment I was timid, or sel-
fishly reserved, or shrank from any responsibility.

I am not a newspaper whose business it is to address the
public every day ; whose i-ecurring want more than meat or
bread is a topic ; and to whom invective, even if without facts'
or evidence, provided it makes a sensation, is money — more
money, in circulation and advertisements. Men not of the
editorial avocation have to turn from their ordinary duties and
habits when they appear before the public, and it is only on
few occasions that they find the forum or the opportunity or
the leisure. How many times did Mr. William A. Booth,
who is mentioned with commendation by the Times, and is
truly an excellent citizen, or Mr. Jackson Schultz, or even Mr.
Evarts, appear during this period? I will not ask about the
Chairman of the Republican State Committee. It is safe to
conjecture that he was running of errands for some branch

of the " Ring," and serving around the legislative halls for
what are daintily termed Counsel fees.

I would have had a perfect right to wait until that " King "
dominion over our million of people, which the Times boasted
was " as much " the work of " the Republicans " as of the
" Tweed Democracy," had matured its fatal fruits, before I
should again renew the battle which had been once betrayed
and lost. But, nevertheless, on some occasions T did inter-
vene.

SCHOOL SYSTEM.

The revolution in the School system in the winter of 1871,
was the favorite scheme of the master spirit of tlie "Ring."
T publicly condemned it.

CODE AMENDMENT.

The provision of the Code Amendment bill which conferred
on the Judges a trajiscendant authoiity to punish for what
they might choose to consider us contempts, was the measure
whicli was to apply coercion to the pi-ess and to speakers who
should attack the " Ring." What the two millions a year of
advertisements, open to be given or recalled at the will of
Mayor Hall, should tail to win, this summary power, — since un-
derstood to have been devised by Cardozo, and designed to be
wielded by him and Barnard, — was to conquer. It was said —
I know not with Avhat truth — to be specially aimed at the
Times. Probably many an article of that journal in the Spring
of 1871, which seemed to tlic public to be vague and wanting
in definite facts, had point enough to the men who knew
they had stolen fourteen millions since it helped them into power.
At any rate, this scheme was the desperate resource of a
domination, bold and blind, as it was ripening for a fall. In it
were concent rated the fears and hopes of the " Ring." It was
passed without a dissenting voice in either house. Every Re-
publican member voted for it or staid away. The Chairman
of the Committee of Conference, who manoeuvered it through,
was a Republican Senator, who admitted last year the " bor-
rowing" in one instance of |1 0,000 from Mr. Tweed, which had
not bee.n repaid-

One evening in May, when I was temporarily confined to
my house by illness, Mr. Randolph Robinson called to ask me
to be Chairman of a Committee of the Bar Association to go
to Albany and remonstrate with Governor Hoffman against
his signing this bill. I declined to be Chairman, but assented
that the meeting might put me on the Committee, if it chose to
do so, with the knowledge that I could not go ; and said that I
would write a letter against the bill.

On second thought, a hurried note was addressed to Mr.
Evarts, who was Chairman, that it might be sure of publica-
tion. It was paraded in the foreground of the controversy.
It, and its writer, were constantly cited by the Times. An
issue was publicly declared from which everybody knew I
would not retire. If the bill had not been vetoed, an open
collision must have spread all over the State. After I had
taken my position, I received assurances of co-operation, in
such a controversy, from Francis Kernan and others.

THE CONTEST OF 1871.

The 7th of November, 1871, was the first day when a vote
of the people could even indirectly retrieve the results of the
legislation of April 5th, 1870.

STRONG POSITION OF THE " EING" IN THE CITY.

Mr. Tweed was in his office until April, 1874; Connolly
until 1875, and Sweeney until 1875. They, with the Mayor,
were vested with the exclusive legal power of appropriating
all moneys raised by taxes or by loans, and an indefinite
authority to borrow. Practically, they held all power of
municipal legislation, and all power of expending as well as of
appropriating moneys. They had filled the departments with
their dependants for terms equally long.

They wielded the enormous patronage of offices and con-
tracts. They swayed all the institutions of local government
— the local judiciary — the unhappily localized portion of the
State judiciary, which includes the Circuit Courts, the Oyer
and Terminers, the Special Terms and the General Terms;
in a word, everything below the Court of Appeals. They

also controlled the whole machinery of Elections. N^ew York
City — with its million of people — with its concentration of
vast interests of individuals in other States and in foreign
countries — with its conspicuous position before the world —
had practically no power of self-government. It was ruled,
and was to be ruled so long as the terms of these offices con-
tinued— from four to eight years — as if it were a conquered
province. The central source of all this power was Albany,
The system emanated from Albany, It could only be changed
at Albanv.

In my speech at the Cooper Institute in 1871, I said :

" They stripped every legislative power and every executive power,
aad all the powers of goverament, t'roai us ; and vested them iu half a
dozen men for a period of from four to eight years, who held and were
to hold supreme dominion over the people of this cit3^"

" I heard my friend Mr. Choate say that the men in power had been
elected by your sufirage. I am sure that was a slip of the tongue. The
men iu power were elected by no man's suffrage. They never could have
been elected by any inan's suffrage. The}' were put in power by the Act
of the Senate and Assembly of the State of New York, without consult-
ing us or any of us. The grotrnd that I had taken is, that as the StcUe
had put thexe men on us, the State must take them off. That is the
reason I differ from my Democratic friends of the rural districts, who
say :

" Wlial, will you carry a local controversy into the State Convention ?
Will you cany it into the politics of the State, and distract and disor-
ganize the Democratic party ?"

I answered, "It is too late to consider that questio)'.. For ten years
the Democratic paity has pledged itself to give back to New York the
rights of self-government, and wlien it came into power it betrayed that
pledge and violated that dutJ^"

"Alone I went to the City of Albany, and recorded my protest
against the outrage." * * The plan was cunningly contrived
and skillfully executed ; but owed its success to a disregard of ul) moral
obligations and all restraints of honor or principle. How was it accom-
plished ! By taking a million of dollars, stolen from the tax-payers,
and buying in the shambles a majority iu the two Houses of the Legisla-
ture.

" When I spoke against this charter before a Committee of the Sen-
ate, IVIr. Tweed sitting in the chair, I already knew that not more than
one vole of the Democrats and not more than ouo vote of the Republi-

cans would be cast against it ; but I felt it to be my duty to the people
of New York, and to the Democratic party, to record my protest against
what I then deemed a crime against us, and a betrayal of our principles."

The officers composing the "Ring" government of this
city could not be removed, or their power curtailed or limited,
except by new legislation. Such legislation could only be
made by the concurrent action of the Assembly, Senate and
Governor.

If they could hold enough of the Senators to defeat the passage
of a bill changing this state of things, they could resist public
opinion, and defy the vote of the people of this city, which
might spend itself, without results, upon Aldermen and Assist-
ants, totally without power; and on a Mayor, having little
legal authority, and capable of being nothing more than a sub-
ordinate instrument of the executive departments.

CKISI8 OF THE CONTEST.

The Senators who had voted on the 5th of April, 18Y0,
with but two dissenting voices, to create this state of things,
did not come within the reach of the people until the election
of the 7th of November, 18*71, when their successors were to
be chosen.

The 5th of April, 1870, and the 7th of November, 1871,
were the two days of battle. The intervening time was but
the interval between two battles. The period which preceded
the election of the 7th November, 1871, was important and
valuable only as a time of preparation.

PIVOT OF THE CONTEST.

The objective point of the battle was the legislative power
of the State, — the Senators, and Assemblymen.

" KING " PLAN OF THE CAMPAIGN.

The " Ring " saw that. Early there came to me prominent
gentlemen from the interior to propose that I should name all the
delegates to the State Convention to be sent by the Tammany
organization ; and so have no contest. The object of the " Ring"
was to retain the prestige of "regularity" in aid of the election of

their nominees as Senators and Assemblymen. If they could
hold the five Senators from this city, they had no misgivings
about holding the Republican Senators from the country. At
last, when I consented to have a conference with one of them
on tlie basis of a resignation of all city offices, and a with-
drawal from the Democratic city organization, and all political
leadership, the surrender on my terms was refused ; and their
reliance on holding the Senate nv means Of eight Republican
Senators already secured to 3Tr. Ttoeed, — loas avowed.

A passage of my speech at the Cooper Institute, is reported
as follows :

"Mr. Tweed's plan is to carr}'- the Senatorial representation from
this city, and then to re-elect eight, and, if possible, twelve of the Re-
publican Senators from the rural districts whom he bought and paid for
last year, and to control all the legislation that might be presented there
in your behalf ; and it was, because 1 had some misgivings that tJiis might
be doTie that I thought it was my duty personally to take the field and help
you in this conflict. (Applause.)

If I had felt that the Republicans could have carried the thing of tJiem-
selves, it would have been pleasanter and easier for me to hare stepped aside
and let them do it. I felt it to be my duty to the honest masses of the
Democracy, and still more to the people— for party is of no value unless
it can serve the people faithfully and effectually — to take my stand with
the advanced columns of reform and good government— to take my
place there and stand or fall with those who gather round me." (Ap-
plause.)

MT PLAN OF THE CAMPAIGN.

j\Iy plan of the camj^aign was in a single idea. It was to
take away from the " Ring" the Senators and Assemblymen
from this city. That was to storm the central stronghold on
which their lines rested, while they were extending their opera-
tions over the whole State.

Their allies throughout the State in both parties would be
rendered j/owerless, or be dispersed. I feared most their allies
in the Republican party. As it was, the Assembly was largely
made up of men who had got themselves nominated by the
Republicans, in the expectation that Tweed would come back, —
and such golden, or rather greenback showers as he had

scattered during the two previous sessions, would descend
upon them.

Offers of a surrender of all part in the State Convention,
and in the State Organization, were continually made in every
form ; and weighty pressure was brought on me from power-
ful men all over the State to accept it, and so " save the party."
I uniformly asked " Who is to have the five /Senators and
tv)enty-one Assemblymen .^" In a speech at the State Conven-
tion, I made this issue. I said that the object of endeavoring
to get a recognition of the organization then controlled by the
" Ring," or of avoiding its direct repudiation, was " to go hack
and nominate twenty-one Members of Assembly and five Sena-
tors, and then to say to the uprising masses of the best intellect
and moral worth of the people" — " if you do not vote this ticket
you are out of the Democratic party. ''"' I denied that the sys-
tem of organization then in use in the city, had any moral
right to be considered regular, or to bind the Democratic mas-
ses. I avowed before the convention, that I would not vote
for any one of its nominees as Assemblymen or Senators.

In my speech at Cooper Institute, I said, " A great many
times that offer was repeated, and everything was tendered
me except the Senate and Assembly of the State of New
York, but I said that everything else was of no value for
them to give, and of no value for me to take ; that the
legislation which should be made in respect to the City
Government, whatever else I would compromise, that I could
not compromise, and I would not. (Applause.) I told the
State Convention — being the nominal head of the Democratic
party of this State — for the sake of perfect frankness and
distinctness, and in order that I might not be misunderstood —
I told them that I felt it to be my duty to oppose rniy man
who would not go for making the government of this city
what it ought to be, at whatever cost, at whatever sacrifice.
If they did not deem that 'regular,' I would resign as
Chairman of the State Committee, and take my place in the
ranks of my plundered fellow-citizens, and help them to

FIGHT THEIR BATTLE OF EMANCIPATION."

On this issue I staked my political existence and all my
party relations throughout the State. I threw myself into
the breach, in order to inspire courage in the Democratic
masses of the city to break away from the prestige of a pre-
tended but sham " regularity."

HOW TO OVERTHROW THE " RING " IN THE POPULAR VOTE OF

THE CITY.

There was a Democratic majority in the city of at least
40,000 or 50,000, if all the honest, and only the honest votes
should be polled. The party organization in the city, which
had been accepted by the State Convention for years, in prefer-
ence to the other organizations that had competed with it, had
fallen into the complete possession of the "Ring," and had
been made a close corporation, within which no contest could
be waged against them, so long as they held so vast official
power and patronage. All rival organizations, and nearly all
spirit of opposition had been crushed out under the operation
of the enormous centralized dominion derived from Albany.

The despondency and disbelief in the possibility of carrying
the election in the city against the nominees who would be in
the interest of the "Ring" was deep, almost universal and
hopeless.

It is seldom that ten per cent, of any party scratch the
regular ticket.

To the Democratic masses it was said, not only that the ac-
cused persons were innocent, but that even if they were guilty,
a great organization ought not to be destroyed for the wrong
of a few individuals; that the party was not responsible for
them ; and that the particular nominees were good men.

How were the votes of twenty or thirty or forty thousand
rank and file Democrats to be detached ?

Nothing short of an organized revolt of the Democratic
masses, under the best Democratic lead, with the most eftective
measures, and with some good fortune, could accomplish so
difficult a work against such exti'aordinary powers as were
combined to uphold the existing system.

The first measure necessary was to break the prestige of
the organization which the "Ring" controlled as the represen-
tative of the party in the eyes of its masses ; to do this by the
act of the State Convention.

That was no easy mattei-. To able men who sympathized
with me it seemed impossible. It proved even more difficult
than I expected. A party in power is naturally disposed to
risk the continuance of abuses rather than to hazard the ex-
treme remedy of "cutting them out by the i*oots." The execu-
tive power of the State and all its recently enlarged official pa-
tronage were exerted against such a policy. And since the
contest of 1869, the "Ring" had studied to extend its influence
on the rural districts, and had showered legislative favors as if
they were ordinary patronage. Without having, or having
had for years, the power to give an office in city or State, I
stood on the traditions of the older leaders, and the moral
eense of the honest masses of the Democratic party.

THE TIME WHEN I ACTED,

The publication by the Times of what is called the " Se-
cret Accounts " was completed on the 29th of July. They
consisted of copies, made by a clerk, of entries in a book
kept in the office of the Comptroller. They showed the
dates and amounts of certain payments made by the Comp-
troller, with a brief description of the objects, and the names
of the persons to whom the payments were made.

The enormous amounts, compared with the times and pur-
poses, and the recurrence of the same names, created a moral
conviction of gross frauds, though, of course, not amounting
to judicial proof against anybody, on which a criminal or
civil action would lie, or disclosing the real pi'incipals in the
fraudulent transactions.

I soon became satisfied of the substantial truth of these
statements, by the futility of the answers on behalf of the
city officers, and by cross-examining a financial gentleman
who came to me with a letter from a distinguished citizen,
and the form of a call for a public meeting, which he wished

me to Lead. The statements made me believe that municipal
frauds had been committed immeasiarably transcending any-
thing I had ever suspected; and they furnished a sort of
evidence capable of acting strongly ujjon the pojaular mind.
1 am a believer in the potency of definite facts in making an
impression on the public. For that purpose, I had rather
have one fact than a column of rhetoric. The publication
was made just as I was going into the country. In two or
three days there, I formed my programme.

MR. KERNAN.

For so difficult a movement in the {State Convention, co-opera-
tion was necessary. The first man I sought was Mr. Francis
Keruan. His freedom from all entanglements — whether per-
sonal or political, with corrupt interests, or corrupt men — his
high standard of public duty; his disinterestedness and inde-
pendence ; his tact and eloquence in debate ; his general
popularity and the readiness of his District to send him as a
Delegate — made him my necessary ally in the State Conven-
tion. After much telegraj)hing, I found he was in Albany on
professional business. I went there, and passed a day with
him.

It was, I believe, the 4th of August, 1871. That was within
six days of the time when the publication of the " Secret
Accounts " was completed. It was a month before the 4th of
September when the meeting was held, at which the Committee
of Seventy was created. It was three weeks earlier than I had
moved, in 1869, when my own fortunes were involved in a
contest with the " King." It was earlier than a political
campaign in reference to the November election usually opens.
It was more than three months before the election. So far
from the " battle " being over, it was scarcely begun. So i'ar
from the "Ring " being " down " as the Times alleges, it was
confidi nl of holding its OAvn for months afterwards.

The programme then submitted to Mr. Kernan embraced
everything which has been done since, except the impeach-
ment of the Judges. He was about to go to the sea-shore

with a sick relative, and while liis concurvence was given,
particular measures were left for his consideiation until his
return. Ten days afterward I joined him at Albnny — went
with hiiu to Utica — and received the assurance of his co-
operation; and had consultations with Gov. Seymour, who
was also in full sympathy with us. Mr. Kernan will recall
the fact that at tliat first interview — contemplating the diffi-
culty of the conflicL — I said and he agreed that we ought to
make the contest, even if we should fall in it.

On my way home, I stopped a few days at Saratoga. There
I met Mr. George Jones, of the Times. I had known him
twenty years. lie spoke freely to me. I saw no indication
that he thought the battle was over. He seemed, rather, to
feel its stress. I told him I should appear in tlie field at the ^
proper^ijiie. Often afterwards, when I met liim, he referred '
to that casual interview with ai)parent satisfaction.

Some five or six weeks later — after Mr. Green was in as sub-
stitute for Mr. Connolly, I went into the Comptroller's office.
There sat Mr. Jennings and Mr. Jones. The former said, "We
want an interview with you." Mr. Green kindly gave us a
room in the basement. When we had arrived there, and were
seated, Mr. Jennings said : " Do you see any daylight ? " and
went on to say, in words which I may not be able literally to
repeat, that the contest was too exhausting to be continued
very long. I stretched out my hand to him, and said : " Be
of good cheer ! We shall win this fight."

MR. OSWALD OTTENDORFEE.

At Utica, I had seen some gentlemen who professed to repre-
sent Mr. Ottendorfer's views. I hastened to see him as soon as
I arrived at New York. He had accompanied me to Albany
the year before, wlien I made the sjjeech against the Tweed
charter. He was a very important element in the contem-
plated movement. His purity and elevation of purpose made
me think he would join us, notwithstanding the great efibrts
which were made to prevent it. He did so.

MR O'CONOR.

Averse to engaging personally in politics ; at an eminence
in professional renown— in social consideration — and in per-
sonal character, which lifted him above rivalries, and disposed
everybody to defer to him, so long as he abstained from fresh
collision ; entitled to consult his ease and the comfort oi tran-
quility ; — Mr. O'Conor was, nevertheless, in complete sympa-
thy Avith the right. I had often communed with him over
evils which, there seemed to be, at the time, no means to i-edress.
I went out to Washington Heights to see him. I told him the
hour had come. He said he would help according to his view
of what he was best adapted to, and of what was most fit for
him to undertake.

There were great legal difficulties in the way of getting
investigation or redress.

The Aklei-men, who were vested with a statutory power of
compelling disclosure, were allies of the " Ring." The Legis-
lature was not in session. For a long time there was no grand
jury, capable of making tlie traditionary inquest, which had not
been packed.

The local authorities which had power to order civil actions,
if such would lie in their behalf, were in complicity with the
wrong-doers. The officials who would conduct such actions
were their appointees ; the juries would be selected in their
interest, and the Judges who dominated .in tlie Courts were
their instruments.

Criminal proceedings were equally hampered.

Well miglit the Mayor say to Garvey — as the latter has
recently testified — " who is to sue ? "

As early as August, I had discussed with Mr. O'Conor the
right of the State by the Attorney-General to sue ; but even
that resource was unavailable, because we could not then
count on the co-operation of that officer.

When I suggested a new law appointing one or three Com-
missioners; conferring on them full powers of compelling dis-
closure ; vesting them with the right to sue ; enabling them to

lay the venue outside of this county; giving preference to
their actions; with other provisions to render the remedy
speedy and efficacious, — Mr. O'Conor said he would take the
head of such a Commission.

It was these conferences which led Mr. Kernan and myself
to vote for Mr. O'Conor — w^ithout his knowledge — as Attorney-
General. To the gentleman who was nominated, I sent a mes-
sage advising him of the necessity that he should satisfy the
people of New York that he would exert the powers of his
office in their behalf. He came to my house on the Sunday
morning of October 15th, with a letter dated the 14th, which
was published on the 16th, containing such an assurance;
and said he would authorize any suit Mr. O'Conor or I should
advise. He had returned to Albany and communicated this
agreement to Gov. Hoffman, before the Delegates of the Com-
mittee of Seventy had their interview — on the afternoon of
the 17th — at which Mr. Champlain announced his purpose to
depute Mr. O'Conor.

With characteristic disinterestedness and public spirit, that
trust was undertaken by Mr, O'Conor, with the declaration
that he would accept no compensation for his professional
work ; and ever since, he has given his time and his great
abilities and acquirements to the service of the people.

OTHER PKEPARATIONS.

These conferences were in August, and before the Committee
of Seventy was appointed. They did not wait for or depend
upon any co-operation. They contemplated independent
action. Other preparations for the State Convention were
made. I accepted an arrangement to be upon the floor as the
representative of my native district, which had always during
the "Ring" ascendancy, provided me that opportunity. I
asked a few other gentlemen to come, but had not time to look
after Delegates in detail. I did, however, early in September,
issue a letter to 26,000 Democrats, reviewing the situation, and
calling upon them to " take a knife and cut the cancer out by
the roots."

SUBSTITUTION OF MR. GREEN FOR MR. CONNOLLY IN THE

COMPTROLLE RS H IP.

Meantime an important event hap[)ened which could not
have been foreseen.

On the 14th of September, Mr. Connolly applied to me
through a friend for an interview. Without knowing its object,
I gave it on the morning of the 15th. The most artful mem-
bers of the " Ring " plotted to save themselves — to come in as
parts of a new system — even as reformers— ^with added power —
upon Connolly's ruin. In his distrust of them and fears for
himself, he sought advice.

I began by telling him that I could not be his counsel or
assume any fiduciary relations toward him ; that he and all
the others must surrender all oiBce and all local party leader-
ship ; and recognize the fact that their careers were ended.

To this he assented ; but still wanted my advice. I coun-
selled him that he had no right to I'esign his office into the
hands of his confederates ; that such an act would be a new
wrong against the public.

To his inquiry, whether if he remained he could get money
to carry on the government, I told him I would consult Mr.
Havemeyer, and we would meet him again that evening.

Mr. Havemeyer came, but Connolly did not. After con-
sultation, Mr. Havemeyer went to Connolly's house; found
him in bed, sick ; encouraged him ; appointed a meeting at
my house for the next morning at ten : and requested, as 1
had desired, that Connolly's counsel should come with him.

Meantime, I had examined the law and found a singular
enactment, by which the Comptroller was authorized to appoint
a deputy, and confer upon him for a definite period all his own
official powers. Mr. Havemeyer must have been informed of
this, and consulted about the proposed action under.it before
he w (.'lit to CoIlllolly'^, for he had agreed to assume the respon-
sibiliiy of ])ublic advice to Connolly to stay in, as Mr. Green
could only hold as his deputy. Besides Mr. Havemeyer and
Mr. Green, the only human being who had any intimntion of
the purpose was Judge Swayne, of the Supreme Court of the

United States, who passed the evening with me, to whom I
confided the matter, with wliom I discussed the question
of the right of the State to svie in such cases under the general
rules of jurisprudence, and, in the intervals of conversation
with whom, I prepared some of the papers.

In the morning, Mr, Havemeyer and Mr. Connolly and his
counsel came. I pressed Mr. Connolly to surrender the office
into the hands of the Reformers by deputing Mr. Green to
exercise all its powers ; that he had less to fear from the pub-
lic than from his confederates ; that if he threw himself upon
the mercy of the public, and evinced a disposition to aid the
right, the storm would pass him and beat upon the others.
His counsel said it was a personal question. One of them stated
the opposite view taken by some of Mr. Connolly's friends. It
was, that if he would resign, a man should be put in his place
who would have character enough to assume the whole duty
of investigation and would exclude the committee of which
Mr. Booth was chairman, and that Mr. Connolly should be
protected. It was disclosed that the counsel who presented
this view had come fresh from an interview with Mr. Sweeney.

At length Mr. Connolly consented, the papers were ex-
ecuted, Mr. Green sworn in, and they left my house only to
go to the office of the Comptroller and put Mr. Green in
possession.

The Titnes seems to consider the acquisition of this office
by the Reformers at that stage of the contest as of little value.
That was not its opinion at the time. It is not my opinion.

The possession of the Comptrollership by the Reformers
was a fatal embarrassment to the " Ring." It involved a publici-
ty of all the expenditures of the departments ; and was a re-
straint on those expenditures. It created doubt and dismay in
all their action. It was an obstacle to such modes of raising
money as had brought the charter through in 1870 ; and to the
hope of reimbursing advances for such purposes. It protected
the records on which all civil and criminal actions must be
founded, from such destruction as was attempted in the burn-
ing of the vouchers. Every investigation, including that of

Mr. Booth's committee, were fruits of that possession. So
also was the discovery of judicial proofs, in the Broadway-
Bank ; and the collection of such proofs wliich continued for
eight months afterwards, with important results which have
not even yet become public. It divided the influence of the
city government in the elections, and broke the prestige of
the " Ring."

EFFORTS OF THE " RING " TO RECOVER POSSESSION.

Then begun a struggle on the part of the "Ring" to force
Mr. Connolly to resign, in order that Mr. Green's poAvers
might cease. On the 18th, the Mayor treated Mr. Connolly's
deputation of Mr. Green as a resignation ; and then, with sin-
gular inconsistency, assumed to remove Mr. Connolly, though
he had lately declared lie had no power of removal. The
vacancy thus alleged to exist, he, on two incompatible theories,
each totally unfounded, proceeded to fill.

Early that morning I sought Mr, O'Conor. The freedom
from doubt of the law was no security. The moral support of
his great legal name, affirming the validity of Mr. Green's pos-
session, was necessary. He examined the statutes, and had
no doubt. He consented to reduce his opinion to writing,
saying that he would not take a fee, and inserting the explana-
tion that the opinion was given at my request. It appeared
in the Evening Post of that afternoon.

An attempt, undercolor of judicial process, to forcibly eject
Mr, Green, was anticipated. A carriage was waiting to take.
me to Judge Brady. If a Judge could be found to vacate
fraudiilent orders, as fast as they could be granted, it was well.
If not, I had resolved the next day to open an issue, in advance
of the election of the new Legislature — a Convention to revise
the judiciary.

Mr. O'Conor's opinion saved that day. Mr. O'Gorman, evad-
ing the legal question, advised the Mayor, as a matter of ex-
pediency, to acquiesce in Mr. O'Conor's opinion. The plot
fell to pieces.

But there were men behind the Mayor who would not yet

'give up the struggle. When Kcyser alleged that his name on
the warrants was forged, the effort was renewed. It was in
resisting it that I struck on the clue whicli led to the revela-
tions of the Bi'oadway Bank.

STATE CONVENTION.

The contest in the State Convention quickly followed. It is
but fair to admit that wliat I asked the Convention to do, was
more than any party was ever found able to venture upon. It
was to totally cut off" and cast out from party association, a local
organization, which held the influence growing out of the em-
ployment of twelve thousand persons, and the disbursement of
thii'ty millions a year, which had possession of all the machinery
of local government, dominated the judiciary and police, and
swayed the officers of the election. 1 still think that, on such
an occasion, the greatest audacity in the right would have
been the highest wisdom, and, in the long run, the most con-
summate prudence. If the Convention could not reach that
breadth and elevation of action, it nevertheless did help to
break the prestige by wliich the organization expected to
enthrall the local masses. For myself, I at no time hesitated
to avow, as my conviction of duty and my rule of action,
that a million of peo2:)le were not to be given over to pillage
to serve any party expediency, or to advance any views of
State or National politics.

OTHER ACTION.

For more than three months I devoted myself to this con-
test. Whatever seemed, on a general survey of the whole
field, necessary to be done, I endeavored to find the best men
and best methods to do, and, at all events, to have that thing
accomplished. I addressed the Democratic masses. I con-
stantly pointed out to the public the legislative bodies as the
turning point of the controversy. I entered into an arrange-
ment with Mr. O'Conor and Mr. Evarts to go to the Legisla-
ture ; and, when events afterwards induced them to abandon
the intention, I went alone. I invited the meeting at which

the reform delegation to the State Convention was originated,
and helped to form that delegation.

On the eve of the election, when Mr, Wickham, who was
chairman of the newly extemporized Democratic reform
organization, came to me to say that they could not supply
booths or ballots without $10,000 beyond what they were
able to raise, I agreed to provide it, and did so. With the
aid of Mr. Edward Cooper, I raised from personal friends, in-
cluding my own contributions, for the legitimate purposes of
the contest, about the same sum which I understand the
Committee of Seventy collected from the whole community
for similar purposes.

BROADWAY BANK INVESTIGATIONS.

These investigations furnished tlie first, and, for a long time,
the only judicial proof of the frauds. They occupied me, and
some four or five clerks and assistants, about ten days. The
analysis of the results, and tlieir application as proof, were
made by myself; as well as the original discovery of the
relation of the numbers which was the cine to all the reve-
lations.

The Times seems to ascribe the collection of judicial proof
to Mr. Booth's committee. This is an entire error. Nothing
of the kind was attempted by that Committee. The value
of their report was in its exhibition of the accounts of pay-
ments from the Comptroller's ofiice. It did not trace, any
share of the money to any public officer. That Mr, Booth
was allowed to inspect the accounts was due to the possession
of the Comptroller's office by Mr. Green.

This information obtained from the Broadway Bank estab-
lished the fact that but one-third of the nominal amount of
the bills had ever reached the persons who pretended to be
entitled to the payments, and that two-thirds had been
divided among public officers and their accomplices ; and
it traced the dividends into the actual possession of some
of the accused parties. It converted a strong suspicion
into a mathematical certainty ; and it furnishes judicial
proof against the guilty parties. On this evidence, and on my

affidavits verifying it, the action by the Attorney-General
was founded.

SPEECH AT COOPER INSTITUTE.

At the great " Keform " meeting at the Cooper Institute,
I made a speech advocating a union of all the elements op-
posed to the Ring, without reference to State or National
politics. This was done while I was the official head of the
State organization of the Democratic party. My action was
regarded as questionable by some good men who judged it by
the ordinary standard of political parties. All the secret allies of
the " Ring" throughout the State were employed, aided by most
of the executive patronage, in accusing me of sacrificing the
success of the State ticket, and the supremacy of the Democratic
party in the State to my eftbrt to overtlirow the " Ring."
Complaints' were inspired from high quarters that I had not kept
back the Broadway Bank disclosures and deferred the action
by the Attorney-General until after the election. This was the
basis of an organized movement against me in the Assembly,
continued and renewed for a whole year throughout the
State. My own opinion was, and is, that the most vigorous
and effective measures were necessary to overthrow the
corrupt dominion over this city ; that if they had not
been taken with boldness, the immense power which has been
created by the legislation of 1870, — the whole local Gov-
ernment machinery — with its expenditure and patronage, and
its employment of at least, twelve thousand persons, and its
possession of the police, its influence on the judiciary, its con-
trol of the inspectors and canvassers of the elections, would
have enabled the " Ring " to hold a majority in the city ; and
would have defeated all adverse legislation at Albany.

And while I never hesitated to avow that the emancipation
of our million of people was not to be made secondary to any
other object by a citizen and elector of this city, I thought
and still think the timid and false policy I was assailed for not
adopting — if I know aright the many high-minded and in-
dependent gentlemen of the interior who would not have

brooked any compromise with wrong — would have been far
more disastrous to the State ticket in tliat election, and
would have permanently compromised the Democratic party.
It is'] to the eternal honor of the Democratic masses of this
State that on the issues thus made with me successively for
a whole year, they gave me an overwhelming support.

DEMOCRATIC REFORM VOTE IN THE CITY.

How largely the redemption of the city was due to the
Democratic masses is easily shown. The vote for Willers, the
Democratic candidate for Secretary of State, was 83,326. His
majority was 29,189. The vote for Sigel, the Union Reform
candidate for Register, was 82,565. His majority was 28,117.
Willers' vote was nearly 1,000, and his majority more than
1,000 the lanrer.

It follows that 28,653 Democrats who voted for Willers, also
voted for Sigel. Even that does not show the whole Demo-
cratic contribution to the reform victory. For at least, 10,000 or
12,000 democrats — dissatisfied that the State Convention had
not gone further than it did — voted tlie Republican State
ticket. The whole Democratic vote cast for Sigel was little
short of 40,000, against the 42,500 he received from all other
sources. The result — so much more overwhelming than was
expected by the public — not oidy changed the city repre-
sentation in the legislative bodies of the State, but, in its
pioral effect, crushed the " Ring."

So far from true is it that the " battle " was " over," as the
jTimes alleges when I entered it, the battle was not over till
the polls closed. Even to the night before the election, general
despondency prevailed. All through the contest, it was diffi-
cult to inspire the local politicians with confidence in our
chances of success. Many whose sympathies, interests, and
resentments were with us held back, and some abandoned us
at a late period. The Republicans in the city had little hope.

The belief was general in the City and State, and among all
parlies, even to the election, that we should fail, and that the
" Ring " would hold a majority.

FURTHER COLLECTION OF PROOFS.

After the election, it was urged by Mr. O'Conor, Mr.
Havemeyer, and Mr. Green, that I ought to continue the inves-
tigations by which the judicial evidence of the frauds should
be collected and preserved ; that this work was more impor-
tant than even the preparation of legislation. In deference to
their views, I gave my time to the work, during all the six
weeks, until the legislative session commenced ; and in every
interval at my command for many months afterwards. When
the investigations commenced, there were no means by which
disclosure could be compelled, that were not in the hands of the
accused parties, except a grand jury, whose sessions were pro-
longed for several months. A vast mass of accurate informa-
tion has been collected and preserved, which is the basis of
nearly all judicial proofs that have been obtained,

JUDICIAL REFORM.

It was the opinion of our best men, as it was my own, that
a reform in the administration of justice, as it was carried on
in this judicial department of the Supreme Court, was not only
intrinsically the most important to the welfare, safety
and honor of our community, but was a measure, without
which every other reform would prove nugatory ; and that
the opportunity of effecting it at the last session could not be
allowed to pass unimproved without leaving us for an indefi-
nate period subject to the intolerable evils and scandals which
had recently grown up, and to the world-wide disrepute they
had occasioned. As a citizen and a lawyer — trained amid
better standards — I had seen the descent of the bench and
the bar with inexpressible concern. I had often questioned,
with Mr. O'Conor, whether those of us at the bar who had
ceased to be dependent for a livelihood upon professional
earninofs, ouo-ht not to feel ourselves under a Providential call,
on the first opportunity, to open to the younger members of
the profession a better future than that which was closing in
upon them — a future in which personal and profeBsional honor

would not be incompatable with pecuniary success. I had
advised a son of Francis Kernan, who came here to begin a
career, to return to Utica rather than confront the degrading
competition to which a young man would be exposed. In the
heat of an extemporaneous speech, at the Cooper Institute, I
had become committed to this cause.

It seemed to me a paramount duty to press a movement for
that object with all the concentration and persistence requisite
to success ; and there never was a moment, by day or night,
during all the session, when anything which it was possible to
do could be safely omitted. There were several periods of
general despondency, and frequent crises in which the cause
had to be rescued.

It early came to the knowledge of Mr. Peckham, Mr.
O'Conor, and myself, that a large fund was attempted to be
raised for the purpose of corrupting the Committee and the
Assembly, in the interest of the accused judges. Even after
the impeachment was adopted by the Assembly — when gen-
eral despair was felt at the choice of managers — the lost ground
was promptly recovered by a measure initiated by myself. It
was an arrangement by which the selection of counsel was to
be satisfactory to the Bar Association.

Attention to the completion of this object ; to the conduct
of the suits which had been commenced ; to the gathering in
of the fruits of the investigations ; and to other accessory
work necessary to finish the original undertakings, occupied
most of the Summer,

CONCLUSION,

On the whole, I have given sixteen months of time to these
public objects, with as incessant and earnest effort as I ever
applied to any purpose. The total surrender of my profes-
sional business during that period, the nearly absolute with-
drawal of attention from my private affairs, and from all en-
terprises in which I am interested, have cost me a loss'of ac-
tual income, which, with the expenditures and contributions
the contest has required, would be a respectable endowment

of a public charity. The surrender of two Summers, after I
had shaped all my engagements to take my first vacation iu
many years, was a serious sacrifice.

I do not speak of these things to regret them. In my
opinion, no instrumentality in human society is so potentiarl
in its influence on the Avell-being of mankind as the govern-
mental machinery which administers justice and makes and '•
executes laws. No benefaction of private benevolence could
be so fruitful in benefits as the rescue of this machinery
from the perversion which had made it a means of conspiracy,
fraud, and crime, against the rights and the most sacred
interests of a great community.

The cancer which reached a head in the municipal govern-
ment of the metropolis, gathered its virus from the corrupted
blood which pervades our whole country. Everywhere there
are violated public and private trusts. The carpet-bag govern-
ments are cancers on the body politic, even more virulent than
the New York " Ring."

I felt impelled to deal with the evil here, because an
offence which is directly before one's eyes is doubly an
offence ; and because it was within our reach, while
to renovate government throughout the United States is a
work of great difticulty, taking time, large hope of the future
and lonsr continued efforts towards reformation. If the world
cannot be changed, it is something to make one's own home
fitter to live in.

A reaction must begin somewhere. I have not lost
hope that free government upon this continent may yet
be saved. I remember that nations have experienced
great changes for the better, in manners and in morals, after
lono- periods of decay. There are some good signs in our own
horizon. Last month, when a gigantic controversy of the
stock market reached the courts, noneof the journals enquired,
" Which side owns the Judge ?" At any time within the
last three years, that would have been the only theme.

The money-articles have ceased to treat their readers to ad-
miring discussions of the relative de:;terity with which men of

colossal capitals — first citizens of the Metropolis — representa-
tives of its monied aristocracy — contend with each other in
feats which have a moral aspect about like cheating at cards.
Since the swell of the paper money afflatus in 1863, the absence
of such discussions is a refreshing novelty at our breakfasts.
Even on the cheek of a member of Congress begins to rise a
delicate hue of doubt in being discovered to have had a pecu-
niary interest in a public question on which he has voted.
Amid the blackness of successful wrong which overspreads
the whole heavens, are these little gleams of a revival of the
public conscience. If its growth shall be as steady, as rapid,
and as persistent, as has been its decay during the last ten years,
everywhere throughout the country will come revolutions of
measures and of men.

If the work to which I have given so freely, according to
the measure of my abilities, shall stand, — I will not compete
for its honors, nor care for falsehood or calumny concerning
the part I have borne in it. •

If it is to fail once more — if the people of this Metropolis —
if the Republican citizens of culture and property, whose inter-
ests are deeply involved in a good Municipal Government —
and who are now to show whether they will stand against
bad measures in their own party, shall shamefully con-
sent to a repetition of the fraudulent devices of the Tweed
charter of 1870 — theirs, not mine, will be the responsibility.

S. J. TILDEN.

New York, January 27th, 1873.

APPENDIX.

[ While the letter is passing through the press — two notes and a few out of
many proofs — are added.]

THE FOLEY INJUNCTION.

It may be fit to advert to a criticism of the Sun on the
omission of my letter to mention the Foley injunction. Cer-
tainly this did not arise from any disposition to disparage the
activity and zeal so often conspicuously displayed by Mr. Foley
in the contest against the " Ring.'' The idea did not occur
to me that this event was periinent to the line of my discus-
sion. It is possible, also, that the omission may be an un-
conscious expression of my view of that litigation.

Mr. Foley, as a tax-payer, had no standing in Court to ask for
an injunction against Mr. Connolly as Comptroller. The law in
this respect had been perfectly settled for years by two leading
cases in the Court of Appeals. It was the duty of a Judge who
recognized the obligation of deciding according to law, to deny
the motion for the injunction ; and it would have been the duty
of any other Judge, before whom the motion to dissolve it could
be brought on, to grant that motion. The Attorney-General,
as plaintiff on Mr. Foley's relation, or without a relator, could
have maintained an action; but no individual tax-payer
was entitled in such a case to represent the public.

If the suit was futile, as a means of lawful redress in the
Courts, its value was only as an instrument of popular excite-
ment, or of alarm or embarrassment to the public officers,
against whom it was directed. The order to show cause, with a
stay, was made Sept. Vth ; the motion was heard and the injunc-
tion granted on Sept. 15th. In the meantime — on Sept. 10th,
— the robbery and burning of the vouchers occurred ; and ou

the nth, Mayor Hall's letter appeared, demanding the resigna-
tion of Comptroller Connolly.

The injunction was specially aimed at Connolly; and he
was strongly denounced in. Barnard's opinion.

Information at the time, which I think came through Con-
nolly, convinced me that Barnard acted upon consultation
with Sweeny. That belief was subsequently confirmed in a
manner which left no possibility of doubt.

The Albany plan — which, in my opinion, emanated from
Sweeny— had earlier become known to me. It was that
" Connolly should be indicted, and Tweed should go to Eu-
rope." The idea was given out, that the way was to deal
with one at a time. If this purpose was, in good faith, enter-
tained in respect to Tweed, there was never the courage or
the ability to carry it into effect ; for he had vastly the superior
powei-.

The only reality was in the plot to crush Connolly, and, upon
his ruin, to reconstruct the " Ring." For this object, as well
as for concealment, the vouchers were stolen and burned, and
the crime charged on him; and for this object, also, in my
judgment, the injunction and the denunciation in Barnard's
opinion were specially levelled against him.

For some time previous there often came to me persons say-
ing that Sweeny was with me. Now and then, in newspaper
articles denouncing Connolly, would appear the suggestion
that if such men as Mr. Tilden and Mr. Sweeny would come
forward, all would be well. Every effort, from the 11th of
Sept., had been used to force Connolly to resign. It must
have been known to tlie " Ring " that I did not think his
resignation alone would or ought to satisfy the people ; for I
had so said in Albany the week before. But rumors appeared
in the journals associating me with other gentlemen in these
negotiations too often to be accidental. So, an interview was
accorded to a reporter of the Times, which was published on
the morning of the 15th, denying any connection with these
novements ; and adding that " I don't think the medicine is
powerful enough for the disease."

The injunction was granted on the afternoon of the 15th.
It was on the morning of that day that I gave the interview to
Connolly, and advised him not to surrender his office into the
hands of his confederates.

It was on the evening of that day that Mr. Havemeyer went
from my house to Connolly's, found him sick in bed — " put
some hack-bone into him," as he said — and arranged the meet-
ing for the next moi'ning at my lijouse, when Mr, Green was
substituted. It was on the morning after the injunction that
the proposal was made by Sweeney, that a man should be put
in who would assume the whole duty of investigation — exclude
Mr. Booth's committee — and assure Mr. Connolly of protec-
tion.

Mayor Hall's letter to Connolly, removing him, was dated the
18th. His letter to Gen. McClellan, asking his acceptance, was
dated the 16th. It had probably been prepared for the event
of Connolly's resignation, and the first sentence altered after
Connolly's substitution of Green, without changing the date,
which was prior to the knowledge of this act, on which the
letter was predicated. I never thought that, if Connolly had re-
signed. Gen. McClollan would have been appointed ; for he
would not have undertaken the engagements offered to Con-
nolly.

Mr. Sweeney's intrigues to survive his associates, and come
up with a reform aspect, as a part of the reconstructed "Ring,"
must have been founded on the success of the imposture of the
" Reformed" charter of 1870, and on his superior skill in con-
cealing his part in the plunder. It took an expert, under my
supervision, six months to explore the devious paths by which
that share found its way into his possession.

Mr. Foley, of course, was not responsible for the law of the
case, or for the use which the survivors of the " Ring" sought
to make of his well-intended suit, or of his meritorious endea-
vors.

THE IMPEACHMENT OF BAKNARD,

It was natural that the Bar Association should send their
memorial to me for presentation, and the fact that they did so
was no disparagement to anybody else. Instead of presenting
it, and making it the occasion of a speech, I retained it, and
gave it back to the Committee, advising them to take it to
Mr. Alvord for presentation. I deemed his co-operation im-
portant ; thought his parliamentary skill and influence en-
titled to him a consideration which a section of his own party
were not disposed to accord to him ; and, for the interest of the
cause, felt willing to invite his leadership, and to be myself a
follower. Messrs. Van Cott, Judge Davis, Peckham, Barlow,
Spier, Carter and others will doubtless recall tliese circum-
stances. The Committee had no reason to regret the adoj)-
tion of my advice. Mr. Alvord gave his co-operation through-
out the session and the trial.

On Friday, the 10th of May, the Managers were chosen by
secret ballot. The result was, no doubt, caused in part by an
eager competition by some for the distinction ; and, in pait, by
an oj'ganized effort to give the body a character as little
hostile as possible to the accused. While some of the members
were cordially accejited by the public — the choice on the
whole created general, and, as I thought, excessive distrust, and
a despair of the impeachment.

On the Monday morning following — the 13th — a gentleman
went to Albany with me ; had an interview with Mr. Alvord
that afternoon ; proposed to him that the Managers should
select Judge Comstock as their counsel and such associates as
should be satisfactory to the Bar Association — and brought
me an assurance of the cordial action of Mr. Alvord for that
end. Of course, I do not say that he would not have done
the same thing without suggestion.

In a debate which sprang up that evening, I said that I was
personally content with an honorable discharge from the duty
of a Manager, though I would not have declined that duty ;
delicately alluded to the question of counsel ; and endeavored
to reassure the public— expiessing my confidence in the action

of the Managers, and the result of the trial. The subject was
more fully discussed in a speech of mine at a -meeting of the
Bar Association on May 2Sth. An extract is subjoined.

There is no imputation upon the action of the Managers
or of the Judiciary Committee in my letter. Mr. Alvord, Mr.
Husted, Mr. Fort, Mr. Lincoln, and others — not members of
the Judiciary Committee — had given a steady support to the
proceedings.

Mr. Alvord is understood to have moved in the Managers
the resolution adopted by them, to commit the whole conduct
of the trial to the counsel — which was not the least among his
services.

Address op Samuel J. Tilden before the Bar Association, May 38,

1872.

An adjourned meeting of the Bar Association was held at their rooms

last night, Mr. Tildea occupying the chair by special invitation. On

taking his seat, Mr. Tilden spoke as follows:

*******

'One word as to the pending impeachment of Judge Barnard. I do
not share the fears which have been expressed in the public journals as
to the result. Fird. I know that in the investigation which extended
to all the witnesses the accused desired to produce, and with full cross-
examinations, there was developed more impeachable matter — ten times
over — than can be found in the eight principal cases of judicial im-
peachment— four resulting in convictions — wliich have occurred iu this
country. Secondly. I believe that the leading members of the Commit-
tee of Managers will faithfully prosecute the trial. Thirdly. I have the
most absolute confidence in the abilities, professional skill, and earnest
patriotism of the counsel who will represent the people, and on whom
the real burden of the trial will fall.

I respect the sentiments of my brethren of the Bar, which demanded
that I should continue still further my connection with the movement
to purify the judiciary. I mean, of course, as one of the managers of
the impeachment, for you all know that I would not have acted as
counsel. While I did not feel at liberty, by my own act, to withhold
any service which you thought I could render to the great Reform, my
opinion differs somewhat from the public impression. The great work
of investigation ; of collecting evidence, and of securing sufficient con-
currence and co-operation to put the accused on trial, wiiicli has been an
immense and difficult labor — is done. The gentlemen whom I met in con-
ference, after everything had been completed except to decide on the
form of procedure, when I consented to impeacliment instead of re-
moval, by concurrent resolution — and I see several of those gentlemen
present — will remember that I then stated my difficulty in engaging in
a j)rolonged trial during the Summer.

When the choice of managers came to be made I did not feel called
on to enter into a canvass or to form combinations. In everything
else I had felt it my duty to exercise all foresight, and eveiy care, and
to exert whatever power I possess to organize such elements as could
be found for good ends. In this, I felt entitled to leave every human

being in the Assembly to liis spontaneous action. If I should receive an
honorable discharge, I had a right to accept it. I cannot be accused of
selfishness if I did so with delight. One care only remained for me,
that was, to look after the clioice of counsel. I cmnmunicated what
seemed to be, in the actual circumstances, the bent suggestions to Mr.
Alvord, and met his 'prompt and cordial concurrence.

I do not see that justice will be more likely to fail, that the trial is
to be conducted in the light of open day, with the eager scrutiny of the
Bar of the State and country, and under the eyes of a watchful, appre-
hensive, and someiohat distrusting people.

While, what has been done toward piirifying the judiciary, is just
cause of congratulation, you ^v\\l appreciate the difficulties through
which it has been obtained, if you reflect that everything else, in the
way of Refoim, has failed. It is known to you that wIk n 1 consented to
go to the Assembly, it was with a view to the judicial reform, and to
certain otlier measures, more particuhirly interesting tlie people of this
city ; and tiiat, in that work, I expected the co-operation in tlie Legis-
lature of Mr. O'Conor and Mr. Evarts. This arrangement was defeated
by subsequent events. I believed that it was necessary to concentrate
myself upon a very few measures, in order to accomplish anything.

The general demoralization, growing out of the civil war and paper
money, had jiroduced wide-spread effects. The corrupt power which
had just been overthrown in this city had its origin in a i)artnership of
plunder l)etween men nominally of different politics, but, in fact, of no
politics at all ; and had established extensive affiliations throughout the
State, in both parties, and inbothbranchesof the dominant party, which
now possessed tliree-quarters of the Legislature. It h;id been necessary
to the system, that the Capitol should be surrounded by an atmosphere
of corruption. The ambition of some had been tempted ; the interests
of more had been addressed by making legislative business profitable,
and the golden showers had sprinkled benefits in every direction. Some,
even, who would not take an actual part in the saturnalia, were content
to be silent spectators or consenting wiinesses. I never, for a moment,
supposed that the knife and the cautery would be agreeable remedies,
or that tlie silent partners of prosperous criminals, would fall in love
with those whose duty it is to detect and punish. I knew, therefore,
that obstructions, under every pretext, were to be met at every step,
and to be overcome.

[Fro7n the Tribune of Feb. 7th, 1873.]
MK. tHiDen's attitude during comptroller green's first week in

OFFICE.

A Tribune reporter called on the Hon. Samuel J. Tilden, last evening,
to inquire about the interview between him and the editor of The New
Tork Times, of which an account was given in Tuesday's issue (Feb. 4th)
of that journal, quite at variance with the statements made by Mr. Til-
den in tlie letter recently published. The reporter called Mr. Tilden's
attention to the following extract from the editor's statement :

Mr TMlden is a great man, but we never asked for an interview with liini. Mr.
Green requested us to see him. We consented ; and we then and there told Mr. Tilden
plainly that it was time he and the other Democratic leaders let the ]n/Mic know on
which Hde TUBY were prepared to fight; that it was disgraceful iov iXxava to remain
silent ; that he (Mr. Tilden) must not expect to escape censure atiy Imu/er if he still re-
fused to join in the attack on Tammany. For the managers of this jouiiial to have said
that the fight was "exhausting," at the very time when victory was within easy reach,
would have been manifestly absurd. No such words were ever uttered— even Mr. Til-
den guards himself against positively asserting that they were. Those who know Mr.
Tilden, and those who know the managers of this journal, can jud^e for themselves
which of them were the most likely to need encouragement. Mr. Tilden was remon-
ttrated with in earnest language upon liis inaction ; he begged that the interview might
be kept s«cret; and he breathed forth, m a mournful undertone, a, promise to put on nis

arnlor and enter the fleld without delaj'. Mr. Tllden mnst have dreamt since that he
was suddenly transformed, on that afternoon, into another Hercules. In reality, he
seemed to be afraid of his own shadow. He appeared to think that 'J'weed was waiting
for him at the door. His voice was never raised above a lover's whisper. It was not
until success was assured, by the results of the November election, that the intrepidity
of his soul revealed itself. After that he did good service— we have never denied it.

Mr. Tilden replied : I did not have time to read the article fully, till
this evening. I came home tired, and, after resting myself, I read the
account of this interview. It is very funny. * * *

TIME AND PLACE OF INTERVIEW.

Now, observe Xheplace and the time of this interview. It was in a base-
ment room of the New Court House, given us by Mr. Green after he
had become installed as a substitute for Mr. Connolly. The time will
be seen, by computation, to be the second week of Mr. Green's posses-
sion of that office, or later. The first week was occupied by the contest
on my part to keep liim in, and on the part of the Ring to drive him
out, and with controversies connected with it.

DATE OF MR. GREEN ' 8 ENTRY.

Mr. Green took possession late in the afternoon of Saturday, Sept. 16.
His first public day in office was Monday, Sept. 18.

NOTORIETY OF MY ACTION,

The part I took in this life-and-death struggle with the " Ring," be-
came completely and universally public by the newspapers of Sunday
and Monday, Sept. 17 and 18. That at any time after those dates, — that
at any time after Mr. Green was known to be in office, — that a week or
ten days later, — Mr. Jennings could have said to me, what he professes to
have said, in that interview, is impossible and absurd. I will show it to
be so from the public journals.

THE TRIBUNE.

The Tribune of Monday morning, Sept. 18, which reached its
readers many hours before Mr. Green could get into the Controller's
office, had advised the public of the revolution which has taken place,
and of the part in it which I had acted. It contained a leading
editorial, from which the following is an extract :

Connolly refuses to resign, and 7-esolves to carry doivn in his own ruin his late con-
federates. Samuel J. Tilden, Chairman of the Democratic State Committee, the
adroitest and most far-seeing leader whom the death of Dean Richmond left to the
Democracy of New York, seizes the opportunity to use Connolly for the destruction of
the Ring, as the only salvation of the party. At his instance Connolly meets the de-
mand for resignation that Hall might appoint his successor by virtually appointing his
own successor. Andrew H. Green, to whom, as his Deputy, he makes over all the pow-
ers and duties of his office. Hall meets this check by assuming the power of removal
he had declared, the day before, he did not possess, removing Connolly and appointing
George B. McClellan in his place. Green is iu possession by Connolly's legal appoint-
ment; McClellan is outside, awaiting possession, under Hall's appointment. The old
leaders of the Democracy are coming forward to scouege Sweeney, Hall & Co. back to
their obscurity in the ranks, and against them these members of the broken and dis-
solving Ring are \nopen revolt. That is the situation this morning.

It contained also another editorial headed, " Hall's Etfort to
Checkmate Tilden," and under a heading, " Mr. Tilden's Views," a half
column report of an interview with me on Sunday. In that interview
I am reported as saying that " the present state of the local Government
would be made the subject of investigation and censure at the next
Democratic State Convention;" that " one thing is certain, that the men
who are the cause of all this corruption and demoralization would
have to go under." The next morning, Sept. 19, Tfu Tribune said :

Mr. Connolly is clearly right in the legal position, which, under the guidance of
Mr. Tilden, he has assumed; Mr. Tilden deserves the sympathy of all good citizens, in
so far as he is endeavoring to rid a great political party of a cornipt " Ring," that nas
well nigh ruined it and us.

THE TIMES.

The first notice in the Times of Mr. Green's being put in as Deputy,
in name — a substitute in fact, — for Connolly, was on Sunday, Sept. 17,
1871. Look at the heading in tlie Times of that date, " Ruin of the King,"
in large capitals. Turn over to the editorial — double-leaded leader. It
gives a flaming account of the transaction. It says : " The affair is
being fought out in Democratic circles — honest Democrats against
thieves." Now look at Mondaj^'s issue, Sept. 18. Tiie capitals are
larger than ever : " The Ring's Last Hope — Desperate Counter Movement
of Mayor Hall — Possibility of violence being Resorted to bj^ the Ring."
In one of the columns a man is made to say, " I see the hand ol Joab in
this— I mean of Sam. Tilden. " Turn to the double-leaded editorial,

The Ring at Bay.

Hall, Sweeny and Tweed are at length at bay, and they prepare to make one more
desperate effort to keep the evidence of tneir guilt from the public eye. As we predicted
yesterday, the action of Controller Connolly in removing his deputy, and designating
Mr. Andrew H. Greeu as his successor, has created a panic in the Ring, as it forecasts
nothing less than a full exposure of their guilt.

Look at Tuesday's (Sept. 19) issue. This contains Mr. O'Conor's
opinion, in which he says : " My opinion on these two points
has been requested by Mr. Tilden, Chairman of the Democratic State
Committee." Notice the article headed, " A Day of Excitement : "

Towards the afternoon, Samuel J. Tilden arrived, and had a lon^ interview with
the Controller, and shortly afterwards it was given out that Mr. Charles O'Conor was
preparing an opinion in support of the position the Controller had taken.

Again, in the article headed " Charles O'Conor's
Opinion" :

At the request of Mr. S. J. Tilden, Mr. Charles O'Conor yesterday gave the written
opini<m, * <= * * Mr. Tilden, who has given the statutes a careful examination,
fully concurs in Mr. O'Conor's view.

Again, under the heading "The Feeling in this City,"
the Times sajs:

The better-informed citizens, whose patriotic ardor prevented their working, Jlocked
either to Mr. TikU-n's houi-e. in Gnimercy Place, or to Gen. McClellan's oftice in the
Department of Docks. Neitiier gentlemen was to be seen. Soon a rumor went round
that Messrs. Tilden and O'Conor were preparing a legal exposition of the case in reply
to the Mayor, and this comforted many.

THE WORLD.

On Wednesday, Sept. 20, The World contained an interview with Mr.
Havemeyer, in which he stated my connection with the transaction. It
contains the following :

Then I didn't see Connollj; for three or four days. He promised to meet me at
Samuel J. Tilden's last Friday night, but he didn't come, and I went to his house to hunt
him up I found him sick and almost ready to give way under the pressure. He said
it was crucifying him. I put a little more backbone in him, and made him promise to
come to Tiltlen's house at 10 o'clock next morning. He did so, and had his private
counsel. Messrs. Beach and Courtney with him. Then Mr. Tilden had found that clause
in the law about delegating all the authority to the Deputy-Controller in certain cases,
and we advised Connolly to appoint Andrew H. Green his Deputy, and give bim the
general charge of the oliice. Connolly did ao, and the whole thing was fixed up that
day (Saturday) as clean as a whistle.

R.— ^^'it was your object in getting Mr. Green into the office ? Is it to assist th«
Commi oc of Seventy lo innke their investigation ? Mr. H. —Partly that. Tliat is, to
allow the Citizens" Committee that is acting with the AJdcrmen to make their investiga-
tion. That is all the investigation we want.

Meanwhile Mr. Marble had returned. The World of the 21st contained
the following :

The only effective blows against Tammany in the recent excitement have been
dealt by Democratic hands. Mr. Tilden is Chairman of the Democratic State Com-
mittee.

On the 33d Ths World said :

The astuteness of Mr. Tilden enabled him to strike a more staggering blow by
pointing out to Mr. Coimolly and liis Democratic adviser the method by whicti the City
Treasury had been wri-nched from the conirol of the Tammany chiefs, and put under
the guardianship of Mr. Green, another Democrat.

INTERVIEW.

The Brooklyn Eagle of Sept. 81, contained a long interview with me
in which the whole controversy w^as discussed. In it I stated :

I told Mr. Connolly, when he first sought an interview with me, on last Friday, to
ask my advice, that he might as well make up his mind that, as a political power, he
and all others connected witli the transactions which liad excited the pui^lic indigna-
tion, had ceased to exist. My opinion is that the fall must carry down the organization
ivhich these men control. lu other words, the Democratic party of this city and county
must be reorganized by an edict of the Democratic party of tlie State.

This interview was copied into the World of the next

morning.

EARLIER ACTION.

On the 15th, when visited by a T'mes reporter, I denied all connection
with the movements for Connolly's resignation, and said: "I don't
think the medicine is powerful enough for the disease."

Even earlier, on Sept. 11, when the time arrived for preparation for
the State Convention, I issued a lithograph letter to 20,000 citizens,
reaching every voting precinct outside of New York and Brooklyn. In
it I said :

The league between corrupt Republicans and corrupt Democrats which was formed
during Kepublicau ascendency was too strong for honest men in 1870. The charter of
that year had the votes of nearly all the Kepublicans. I denounced it in a public speech.
Whenever the gangrene of corruption has reached the Democratic party we must take
a knife and cut it out by the roots.

This, of course, soon got into the newspapers, from some one of the
38,000 correspondents. It is alluded to in The Eagle of the 31st, as al-
remly familiar. It was copied into the Tribune on the 33d, and into
the World on the 33d.

The interview was on the following week. It was after a blow at
the "Ring" had been struck which they — the newspapers — and all
the public thought fattd to them. It was after it was universally
known that I hail, on a sudden emergency, planned and instantly exe-
cuted that surprise. It was after a week of pul)lic contest on my part
to hold the position — on the part of the " Ring " to recapttire it. It was
after the press had been full of the controversy for a tcetk or ten days.

If anybody can be found to credit tltata/te?' all this, — Mr. Jennings
lectured tind bullied me — to " let the public know" on irhich -side I was
p)-epared to fight — what "censure" would fall on me if I '' still refuHcd
tnjoi/i in the attack"— on my ''inaction" — or that I " begged" that " the
interview might be kepi secret;" that in "a mournful undertone" I
" pi-omised to put on my armor without delay ;" that I was " atraid " of

" my shadow ;" " appeared to think Tweed was waiting, etc., etc., let
him come forward. Mr. Jennings himself will scarcely be that man.

The impossibility of this tissue of statements having one atom of
truth appears by facts notorious, from the first day Mr. Green was in
office.

There had been no interview, any time prior to the one about which
this singular hallucination exists in Mr. Jennings' mind. I had not seen
him for a long period. No such thing as he relates ever happened in any
interview with nie. That meeting was casual. I knew nothing of an
interview being contemplated until Mr. Jennings himself proposed it to
me, as I accidentally met him, seated with Mr. Jones, in Mr. Green's office,
where I went with no more anticipation of meeting him, than I
should have of his dreaming out such a tale of "imaginary conversa-
tions." Whose memory it is that has reached that last stage of infir-
mity in wliich it remembers what never happened, the public must
judge from the" records of notorious events which make it impossible
that this narration should have in it any vestige of anything but fiction.

Mr. TiLDEN, in his account of the interview which seems to have
excited the resentment of the Times, did not impute to it any want of
courage, energy or persistence in its warfare on the " Ring." In reply
to its allegation that the battle was " over" when he joined it, he showed
by this illuiutration that very long after he joined it, the Times did not
consider the battle " over ;" that it seemed to feel — not unnaturally or
discreditably — the strain of a long-continued controversy ; that help
seemed to be desired and Avas welcomed ; and that even to the last, the
battle was heavy and difficult. All this is true ; and to admit it or to
assert it is no disparagement to the services of the Times.

The recent articles in which the TiTms began its many-column attack
on Mr. TiLDEN are full of the feeling of a desperate and anxious strug-
gle, craving for more support than was received. The truth is that the
almost universal sentiment of those engaged in the contest, even up to
the day of the election, was not hopeful. It was a difficult and, in some
respects, an unequal contest. In the last month of it Mr. Tilden had
become confident of a favorable result. The articles trom the Times,
cited below, show that, even then, it was not exempt from the general
feeling of uneasiness. As late as the 15th of October, it said : " As yet
Vie fight is but beginning.'''' On the 26th, twelve days before the election,
it depicted in gloomy colors the public feeling. It said "■tJie same liope-
less feeling was creeping over us as prevailed during the palmy days of the
Ring.''

Statement of the " times" that the battle was " oveb"
when ulr. tilden entered it, kefuted by the

" TIMES.' '

Outlook of the Battle — ten weeks after Mr. T"ilden''s move-
ment xoith Mr. Kernan^foxir iceeks after Mr. Green''s
entry into the Co'mptroller.Hhip.

{Times Editorial, October 15, 1871.1

NO FALSE SECURITY.

The citizens of New York have so long neglected their own affairs,
tliat it is hardly to be wondered at if tlieylind it somewhat irksome to
give them the sustained attention which is ahsolntely necessary now. T}ie
adversary h sleeplesslp active and watc/tful. Witli the Ring it is simply a
question of life and deatJi, and, though working for the most part in the
dark, they are strur/gling with all the energy of despair to defeat the popu-
lar demand for restitution and justice. An evening paper finds fault
with the Times for refusing to believe that Tanmiany's power
for evil has departed. That journal apparently supposes that
much wishing and unlimited faitli are all that is rcciuired to
make the reformers masters of the situation. We shall believe that
Tweed & Co. are dead, politically, when we see them in the State
Prison. Until then, we shall hold it as treachery to the cause of refoi'm
to endeavor to lull people into security b)^ hallooing that the enemj' is
routed. ^4s ?/e?, the /(/Z; Ms but beginning. The Ring has the control
of the ballot-box, and it can cheat the people out of their votes, let the
strength of their opposition be what it may. The Ring has the District
Attorney under its thumb ; the Corporation Counsel is its hired advo-
cate, and it has the means of packing juries warranted to acquit city
plunderers, whatever be the strength of tiie charges against them. The
local Judges who can be trusted to act fearlessly and independently are
the remarkable exceptions, insti ad of th<^ rule. Tlie Ring can tight the
tax-payers through officers pnid out of the iniblic treasury, and can re-
tain tlie services of thousands of men at the people's exi)ense for the sole
purpose of cheating the people out of their rights.

Against this what have the people gained ? A representative com-
mittee" [Committee of Seventy] who are expected to attend to every
abuse of local government at the same moment that they are, in the
face of innumerable obstacles, fighting for the recovery of millions
of plundered money ; an honest and upright man in the Controller's
oflSce [Andrew H. Green] who will see that not a dollar of public
money is expended unless there is a valid and legal reason for it ; the
unflinching support of a Judge [George G. Barnard !], all the vigor
of whose character is now enlisted on the side of purity and justice.

Outlook of the Battle a. Week Later.

[Times Editorial, Oct. 21, 1871.]

If the approaching election could be won by people sitting down at
home or in their offices, andwishing for victory, there would be very little
reason to doubt that Tweed's boasts about carrying the Tammany ticket
by an overwhelming majority would come to grief. But good wishes,

although better than nothing, will not suffice to overcome the enemy
before us. There mnM be hard work done, and of that hard work there
ift not quits so much proinise at present as we nhoald like to see. It is
probable that we must make up our minds to have one section of Re-
publicans acting in pretty much the same way as they did last year.

Ilonest Democrnts are quite as anxious to got rid of Tweed & Co. as
any Republican can be. But the trouble is that honest men are not
acting in harmony with each other. They do not know preciselj' how
to go to work. Tliey have to oppose a compact orrja)Hzatio)i, and they arc
not onlj' not much assisted, but arc sometimes actually embarrassed by
their own leaders. There is time enough, however, for all this muddle
to be cleared up before election. The sjnrit is about to beat Tammany.
All that is necessary is to bring it into shape and use it in a practical
mimner.

Outlook of the Battle a week later still. — Twelve days

before the Election.

{Times Editorial, Oct. 2Qth, 1871.]

A blow is to be struck at last against the robbers of the City
TreasuiT, and every honest man will agree that it is not a moment too
soon. It is high time that New York should be relieved of the gross
scandal of a man like the " Boss " buying his way into the State Senate
with the money of the plundered tax-payers, and defying an outraged
public to prevent him obtaining the means of robbing them still further.
We have been told that prison bars could not save us from the colossal
scoundrelism of Tweed; that the roughs, whom he holds at his beck,
were stronger than the honest citizens of New York, and that, struggle
as it might, tiie community could not unloose the grasp of ruffians from
■ its throat, or force their hands out of its pocket. TIte saiite hopeless
feeling was creeping ocer us a« prevailed during the pahay days of the Ring.
Then, no one doubted that they stole upon a scale wiiich was absolutely
without parallel, but they were so securely intrenched behind cunningly-
devised laws, fraudulent voting machiner3^ and a whole arm}* of
accomplices, composed of influential capitalists as well as of loafers,
prize-fighters, and convicted felons, that, with hwifew cvceptions, people
thought it an impossible enterprise to defeat or even disturb t?ie7n.
When the proofs of their guilt were made clear to all the world, and
people were startled to find how much it has exceeded the most extra-
vagant estimates, it seemed as if a wave of popular anger would at once
sweep the whole infamous gang from place and power. But when,
instead of being sent to pick oakum and break stones like other thieves,
the Tammany Ring continiwd to rule us as heretofore, to laugh at Courts
and public opinion, and even to extract sympathy from one or two weak-
minded people, the old exploded tradition of their wonderful resources and
amazing strength of following were revived, and a deeply wronged com-
munitj'^ sfiowed some sign of goIng to sleep again.

If anything can arouse the New York public to that pitch of in-
dignation which alone becomes them in the present crisis, it is the
accounts whicih we publish to-day. Here we have, thanks to the labors
of Mr. S.uviuel J. Tilden, full and conclusive evidence that Wm. M.
Tweed differs only from a common thief in having stolen tens of
thousands instead of tens of dollars.

WHEN THE "battle REALLY BEGUN.

The first fallacy of the " Times " h in representing that the battle
was " over " before it was really begun. The second fallacy is in repre-
senting that the battle was going on at a time long previous to the period
when an election contest usually commences.

A week after the interview between Mr. Tilden and Mr. Kernaw
in Albany, at which a contest to crush the " Ring " was resolved upon,
the " Times " had the following :

[Tirnes Editorial, August 11, 1871.]

The Fall Election — What will the Anti- Tammany Demo-
crats of the City do ?

The time has already arrived for the preliminary movements of poli-
ticians in regard to the Fall election. According to the usual custom,
the State Conventions of both parties should assemble early in Septem-
ber.

Three days earlier, — four days after Mr. Tilden and Mr. Kernan
had arranged the preliminaries of the movement, ten days after the
' ' mmes " had finished its publication of the ' ' Secret Accounts," the
" Times "first addressed itself to the Democracy, as follows :

[TYwies Editorial, Augtist 8, 1871.]

We should like to ask certain gentlfemen, prominent in the Demo-
cratic party of this State, what they are going to do about the exposures
which Tammany is now undergoing V We refer to such men as Horatio
Seymour, Sanford E. Church, Justice Allen, Francis Kernan, and
Samuel J. Tilden. They are leaders in the Democratic Party. Their
advice is looked for in any great emergencj^ and it has seldom been
withheld. What have they to say now, when their associates in party
leadership are under so dark a cloud V

Do they think they can afford to be silent, and let themselves and
their party be involved in the disgrace that has been brought home to
Tammany? Up to this time Tammany alone has been attacked. AVe
have not endeavored to hold the party responsible for the oftenses of our
city rulers. We have expressly said, over and over again, that the ques-
tions at issue were not of a party character, but turned upon facts ; and
upon them w« have appealed to Democrats, as well as Republicans, for
a verdict.

PERIOD BEFORE THE BATTLE.

Even in the previous period, it is not true that Mr. Tilden's position
was unknown. There was no time when it was doubtful. There was
no moment when the Times itself doubted what that position was.

In its present industrious detraction, it admits :

"We never questioned the fact that Mr. Tilden, all this time, in his
heart detested the Tammany gang, but he took care never to say
so," etc., etc.

•The truth is, he never made or accepted any new relations, after a
long scries of open contests; he never hesitated to oppose the "Ring."
That the Time>< knew this, is proved hy a few specimen extracts,
which are appended.

{Times, May IS^/i, 1871.]

Views of Eminent American Jurists.

After reading the letters from Samuel J. Tilden, Esq., A. C. Hand,
Esq., and Judge Edmonds — which are appended — Mr. Evarts proceeded
with his argument.

[ Times Editorial, May 13/7/, 1871.]

The Bill for Gagging the Press and the Public.

Mr. Samuel J. Tilden is among the numerous Democratic lawyers
who regard theainendineuts passed under the lash ot'Tweed and Sweeney
as an outrage upon the people.

****** *

At the very moment when a Committee of the Bar of this city was
before the Governor, calling his attention to tlieir outrageous provisions,
and Democratic lawyers, like Samuel J. Tilden, join in the protests, the
editor of the Express says, "we have not seen them."

[ Times Editorial, August lliih, 1871.]

There were a few indignant protests against tlie scheme [Cliartcr of
1870] uttered by such high-toned Democrats as Samuel J. Tiklen and
others of liis cliaracter ; but they were without effect, tor Tweed and
Sweeney bad the votes already' bought up. Of all the Republican
Senators, Senator Thayer alone is on record as voting against it.

[Times Editorial, October 6, 1871.]

There would be no doubt where a gentleman of Mr. Samttel
Tilden's character would be found in such a contest as this.

First Popular Meeting, Sept. 4, 1871, at which Commit-
tee of Seventy were appointed — a7id afterwards.

[ Times Editorial, ^eprember Qth, 1S71.]

" If," says the World, "Mr. Astor, or Mr. Stewart, or Mi-. Belmont,
or Mr. Barlow had been chairman of ihe meeting, and llic list of siieakers
had ompiised such names as General Dix, Mr. O'Conor, Mr. Greeley,
Mr. Tilden, Mr. Byrnnt, Mar.'^hall O. Roberts and Judge Blatchford, tlie
meetuig might have been deemed to be an exiU'C^sion of the best public
opinion of tiie cit)\" All these gentlemen, however, as the IIVW says,
"stood aloof," and it tries to give the impression that they discoun-
tenanced the meetinii;. We do not know how the gentlemen named will
like to be thus lepresented as allies of the Ring ; but if we are not mis-
taken, ccerij one, of thimi, with the p-^suhle exception of Messrs. Astor,
O'Conor and Roberts, hmrtily symput/iisfld with the me ting, and
several of them wrote letters to the Committee of Arrangements regret-
ting their inability to attend.

[ Times Editorial, Sept. 5, 1871.]

" An article published in another column shows the views that were
entertained of the Charter by such Democrats as Samuel J. Tilden,

*******
and we have no doubt the same views are now entertained by all Twnest
Democrats throughout the State. The first tiling which the next Legis-
lature should do, therefore, is to repeal the Charter, and restore to the
people the right of self-government that has been usurped by the Tam-
many oligarchy."

[Times, Sept. 5th, 1871.]

" We give an extract from the speech of the nominal head of the Dem-
ocratic parly of this State, Samuel J. Tilden, made on the 4th day of
April, 1870, before the Charter was passed ; and in an effort to try to
prevent the passage of so undemocratic a measure."

{Times, Sept. 18, 1871.]

" At the St. Nicholas, and the Grand, and the Grand Central, the
St. James, and Hoffman House, Mr. Connolly's action was can-
vassed under every possible light, and was considered wonderfully
shrewd. In fact, at the Grand Central, a gentleman who looked like a
rural Democrat, of good position, blurted out, " Gentlemen, don't deceive
yourselves, Connolly never did this on his own head. I see the hand of
Joab in this ; I mean of Sam. Tilden. And I'll tell you what it is, the
good old days of the Democracy are going to be revived, and Havemeyer,
Andrew Green, Sam. Tilden, and the good old leaders are going to purge
the party of its ruffians."

[ Times Editorial, Nov. 2, 1871.]

If the people will not believe Republicans, surely they will find it
hard to refute the evidence of Democrats like Charles O'Conor and
Samuel J. Tilden.

[ limes Editorial, Nov. 2, 1871.]

The appearance on the same platfonn of Samuel J. Tilden and
Wm. M. Evarts, and Gen. Sigel, and Gov. Seymour, is a signi-
ficant evidence of a new era in Municiiial politics, and should convince
every honest man that the issues before us in the present election are
above the region of party strife, and rest upon principles higher and
more essential than those in dispute between Republicans and Demo-
crats.

[ Times Editorial, Oct. 29, 1871.]

The nomination of such men as Horatio Seymour in the Assembly
District, misrepresented by the notorious Tom Fields, and the accept-
ance bj^ Samuel J. Tilden of a similar nomination in obedience t»
dictates of the most enlightened public spirit, are therefore encouraging
symptons for the future.

These are but specimens — a few out of many.

THE ELECTION" OF 1868.
[Times, Editorial, February 10, 1873.]

And while Mr. Tilden is about it, will he explain to the public how
he, in conipany with Wm. M. Tweed, swindled the people and .stuffed
tbe ballot-boxes in 1868, so that it was made to appear that Seymour and
Hoffman cari'ied this State over Grant and Griswold ? No one
knows better than Samuel J. Tilden what a farce and a fraud that
electioji was, and Mr. Tilden knows just as well that it was in his power
to have given the people a lair election. * * * *

Mr. Tilden was Tweed's partner in the shameless trickery of 1868.

It is scarcely necessary to reply that there is not a particle
of truth in any of these statements. They are total fictions.

Nobody ever pretended, as a matter of fact, that Mr.
Tilden had any knowledge of, agency in, or gave any aid or
countenance to any frauds, in that or any other election. No-
body could so pretend without utter falsehood.

In the winter of 1868-9 a Congressional Committee made
an elaborate and protracted investigation into the alleged
frauds at the then recent election. The evidence, incidentally
developed — for nobody professed to charge, or even suspect,
any complicity on the part of Mr. Tilden — showed facts and
relations which proved the contrary.

The argument, or inference, that he must have acquired
knowledge of such frauds as Chairman of the State Committee,
or had power to prevent them, is without any foundation.
What were the relations between Mr. Tilden and the men
accused of those frauds and receiving the benefit of them, and
where the power to prevent such frauds really resided will
now be shown.

As stated on page 13 of the letter, in the passage respecting
the " formative period" of the " Ring," the antagonism be-
tween those who became its leading members, and Mr. Tilden
was "sharply defined and public." This . antagonism had
begun as early as 1863.

In the State Convention of September, 1868, there was an
open contest. Mr. Allen C. Beach was nominated, — chiefly
by the efforts of Mr. Tilden — for Lieutenant-Governor by a large
majority. The result was described in the Times as a triumph

over Tammany. In August, an elaborate attack on Mr.
Tilden by one of the journals of the " King" was copied into
the Leader, edited by Mayor Hall.

Mr. Tilden was about the last man in the State to whom
tlrese persons would have entrusted any of their secrets or
plans. Still less would they expose to him any illegal or
fraudulent schemes of theirs.

The State Committee had no function in respect to the con-
duct of the election in this city. Mr. Tilden did not belong to
the General Committee of the city, and during the years of the
ascendancy of the " Ring " in the city organizations, had no con-
nection with those organizations — no voice in local nominations
— and never asked or accepted any appointment for a friend.
At that time, he had about as much relation to the i uling powers
of Tammany as Mayor Havemeyer may be supposed to have
to the clique now controlling the local Republican organiza-
tion, whom he has lately described with so much picturesque
effect.

The State Committee was an object of jealousy and fear to
these men. It was at all times perfectly independent of them,
and received very little aid in contributions towards its
moderate and necessary expenses — and often none — from the
whole office-holding class of the city.

In the election of 1868, the " Ring " were playing their own
personal game. Even in 1864, it had been suspected that the
leading persons who afterwards formed the " Ring," were un-
true to Horatio Setmouk, the Democratic candidate for Gov-
ernor, as well as to Gen. McClellan. They never forgave
Gov. Seymour for vetoing the Broadway Railroad Bill, in
1863, in which they, with their Republican allies, had become
largely interested.

In 1868, it was believed before the election that they had
plotted a scheme to keep Horatio Seymour, the Democratic
candidate for President, behind his ticket. They did, '\\\ laet,
withhold from him all the votes they could without detection,
and bargained with the corrupt Republicans with whom they
were in partnership, at his expense. Their constant study

was to pervert to their own selfisli gain the eflforts and sac-
rifices of four millions of Denaocralic voters in tlie country,
and four hundred and fifty thousand in this State. They never
hesitated to sacrifice or to sell the general objects of the Demo-
cratic party, its principles or its measures. They never con-
tributed to its advancement, except so far as was necessarily
incidental to their own purposes of holding power in tlu* Mu-
nicijjal Government.

Their object Mr. Tilden never had any sympathy with, or
any disposition to promote. At the time of the election in 1868,
the Presidential contest had already been lost in the October
elections ; and he had only to fulfil his duty towards the Demo-
cracy of the State and Union. It appeared in the Congres-
sional investigations, that not only did he have no connection
with the naturalizations, but he did not even know who were
the naturalization committee of either party, or where they
had their ofiices. The first fruit of the success of the "Ring"
in gaining increased influence at Albany, by that election,
was a scheme immediately concocted to depose Mr. Tilden
from the State Committee.

The power of the "Ring" in this city had been derived
from Republican Legislation, and the corrupt means by which
they had obtained that Legislation, were a division of tliecity
offices, contracts, jobs and bribery. In 1868, and for three
years previous, the Mayor, Comptroller and Street Commis-
sioner were removable by the Governor; half the Supervisors
were Republicans, and nearly all the Commissions, embrac-
ing vast patronage, were Republican.

The Inspectors of Election — the Canvassers who counted
the votes — the Clerks of the Polls — and the Registers were
all appointed by the Board of Police Commissioners. Half
of the members of this Board and all its chief otticers were
Republicans. Thomas C. Acton was its President ; Seth C.
Hawley its Chief Clerk ; S. C. Hawley, Jr., Secretary ; and
John A. Kennedy, Superintendent of Police.

It Avould have been impossible to credit beforehand that,
under these circumstances, at a hotly contested Presidential
election, when the Republican party was watchful, and strain-

ing itself to the utmost — systematic frauds in voting and can-
vassing could be perpetrated without the complicity of the
leading representatives of the Republican party in the city ;
nor is it easy now to see how that was possible.

The idea of imputing to Mr. Tilden responsibility for elec-
tion frauds, of which he had no knowledge beforehand, with
which he was in no manner connected — and which he in no wise
aided or abetted — on the assumption that ' ' it was in his power
to have given the people a fair election," when he had had no
voice in shaping the Election Laws or appointing the Election
Officers — which laws had been made by the Republicans, and
which officers were practically appointed by the Republicans —
is too absurd to need discussion.

The Assembly chosen at that election was, by a large ma-
jority. Republican. The Senate was Republican. It was in
their power to alter the election laws, and the mode of ap-
pointing officers of the election. They did not. At the next
session, when there was a Democratic majority, Mr. Tilden en-
deavored to do so ; but his Election law was beaten, and the
Election law under which Mayor Hall got the practical control
of all these officers passed, — every Republican senator voting
for it, and the Times filling the air with its laudations. The
one element of good which that law contained — " watchers" of
the canvass, to be appointed by the candidates, was taken
from Mr. Tilden's bill.

The truth is, that frauds at elections are usually the work
of men having a special, and often a pecuniary interest in the
local results. Fanatics who commit crimes to advance their
abstract ideas of National or State politics, ai-e rare excep-
tions to the ordinary course of human nature. If a " Ring "
had not already been formed — embracing the wire-workers of
both party machines — such frauds as are alledged of the elec-
tion of 1868 could not have been possible.

" TIMES " DENIAL THAT MR. TILDEN FURNISHED PROOFS, RE-
FUTED BY THE " TIMES " ITSELF.

[Times Editorial, Oct. 26, 1871.]

Here we have, [Broadway Bank investigations], thanlistothe labors
of Mr. Samuel J. Tilden, full and complete evidence that Wm. M.
Tweed differs only from a common thief in having stolen tens of
thousands instead of tens of dollars.

[Times Editorial, Oct. 27, 1871.]

A millior ^jllars out of the three millions and a-half of plunder that
was deposited ,i tJie hands of E. A. Woodward, the distributing agent
of the " Ring," has been traced directly to Wic poclixts of Tweed.

[Times Editorial, November 2, 1871.]

The web of evidence woven around William M. Tweed by the
publication of the deposit and drawing accounts of Ingersoll, Garvey
and E. A. Woodward, in connection with warrants from the Con-
troller's OfHce, in tlie National Broadway Bank, and also certain deposit
entries made in the name of Tweed, in tlie same bank, gives that gentle-
man no possible loophole for escape. Pie is like a stranded whale ; he
can only flounder lor a while.

chahactet; of the charter of 1870.

[Times Editm-inl, June 1, 1871.]

Mayor Hall, a few weeks previous to his last election, chose some
thirty men to govern the City of New York, among whom were Mr.
Tweed for a term of four years, Mr. Sweeny and Mr. Connolly for five
years, the Police Commissioners for from five to eight years, and the
others mostly for five years. Does the Post regard his election immedi-
ately alter as a verdict by the people approving these appointments?
K the people had not so approved, and had turned him out, what good
would it liave done them? What good loould it do ^Aewi. even to turn him
out at the next election ? Would they be any the lens in the grip of the
hungrj^ thieves he has set to feed upon us, and to whom the Legisla-
ture, as far as it can, has given us over for the /iej:t four years ?

[Times Editorial, Sept. 5, 1871.]

Reyeal ike Ring Charter.

It is obvious to every one who has thought over the present situation
of the city, that the only mode of escape from the clutches of Hall and
his coHeagues lies in the total repeal of the Charter of 1870, with its
subsetpient amendments. That Charter was the exclusive invention of
the " lilng," and was a fraud from the beginning. It was designed to
consolidate and jjerpetuate all municipal power in the hands of an
oligarchy of four men.

The Charter was passed April 5th, 1870.

[Times Editorial, April 6, 1870.]

Municipal Reform.

The ahiiost unanimous demand of the people of this metropolis fori- a
tliorough reform in the election of officers, as well as in the general ad-
ministration of affairs, has been acceded to in a way and tnith a celerity
which is remarkable. Despite the incredulity as to the possibility of
reform expressed by those who thought the city hopelessly given over
to the control of lawlessness and corruption, the voice of the law-abiding,
order-loving, tax-paying class has been heeded.

*******

The new Charter received the vote of every Senator but two.

T/ie new Charter is very generally conceded to be a good one. The vote by
which it was passed ought certainly to be accepted as a sufficient guar-
antee that it is.

*******

We have the assurance of the best men of both parties that it is a sub-
stantial and reliable reform, and from the examination we have been able
to give it we are inclined to concur in that opinion. At all events, it is a
vast improvement upon tlie old one, and if it shall be put in operation
by Mayor Hall with that regard for the general welfare which we have
reason to anticipate, we feel sure that our citizens will have reason to
count yesterday'' s work in the Legislatu7'e as most important and salutary.

[Times, April 13, 1870.]

The good icork goes on! A new Charter, an effective election law —
and now the Board of Supervisors, with all its iniquities, is legislated
out of existence. The Tribune, in its anxiety to comfort its exemplary
friends of the Young Democracy, may see in these things only the
handiwork of Satan. But the citizens, who desire above all things good city
government, note with pleasure the changes in progress, and are hopeful.

[Times Editorial, April 7, 1870.]

The New Election Law.

The remarkable unanimity of sentiment in approval of the Election
Law, which we gave in full yesterday, is fully justified by a careful
EXAMtNATiON of its provisious. From beginning to end, it seems to have
been conceived in tlie true interests of the people, and with an intention
of enabling them to secure an honest expression of political sentiment
and personal preferences. Of course it would be impossible in brief
space to give the law a close analysis, or even to point out seriatim the
changes which it makes. That is a work we must leave for the inter-
ested reader to do for himself at deliberate intervals, contenting our-
selves with general comment.

******* * ** * *

We feel justified in congratulating the friends of law and order upon
the enactment of this new law, as well as upon the hopeful assurance
which it gives that liereafter the sources of our political action will be
at least comparatively pure and undefiled, and that there is at least a
well-founded hope of deliverance from the curruptions which have so
long pervaded our municipal administration.

CIIARACTEK OF THE APPOTNTMENTS TINDER THE CHARTER OF

1S70.

[Times Editorial, August. 13, 1S71.]

If, when the new charter went into effect, Maj'or Hall Inul appointed
as lieads of the leadina- departments new men, who liad heen in no way
identified with phevious frauds, and if lie had at tlie same time made
a imblic exposure of llie nisealities that had been perpetrated under the
old cliaiter, there would have been some rkason to believe that he and
those witfi whom lie acted desired and intended to brin-,^ about a reform
in the city "government. But lie did no'Itiiifj of the kind. On the con-
trary, lie selected the very men who had been the most notoiiioiis px.un-
DiiUEUS of the treasuiy — men whom the World, at the time thry weie
appointed, was branding as "thieves and swindlers" — and placed them
in the most responsible positions -under the ncui diarter. They were the
men who framed the new cJiarter and procured iis passaj^^e Ihiough the
Legislature ; and they framed it in such a way as to put the wltule power
of the municipal government in their own liands, and increased tlieir
fdcilities ioY 'plunder far beyond anything known under the old charter.
Tweed was appointed to the head of the Department of Public Works ;
Sweeny to that of Pul)lic Parks ; his brother-in-law to the position o(
Chnmberlain, which Sweeny had left ; while all the other departments,
with the jiossible exception of the Dock Commissioner, were tilled with
Tweed and Sweeny's tools and retainers a large portion of them being
selected fioni the list ot assemblymen who had helped them to lobby
the charter tiirough the Legislature.

The appointments of Mayor Hall, under the Charter of 1870, were
made April 9th. A list of them appeared in the Ivmes of April 11th.

On the same day, April 11th, Mr. Ottendorfeu denounced these ap-
pointments in the Stunts Zeilung.

He characterised Tweed as " the very soul of the corruption of
Tammany Hall." He asked, how can the Mayor justify himself for
placing Tweed in " the Consolidated Street and Croton Department."

This article is quoted in the Times of September 7, 1871, as follows,
from the " Staats Zeitung, the great and influential organ of the German
Democracy."

[From the Staats Zeiiung, April 11th, 1870.]

The ^laj-or attempts to justify the retention of Republicans wlio have
hitherto been members of State Commissions, by saying that the sup-
port of tlie Charter by Kepublican members of the Legislature, and the
character of the acting Boards demanded such action. Most certainly
tjiese reasons would demand the appointment oi' Republicans, but not
of THESE Republicans. Among those retained there are men whose re-
moval was as earnestly desired by the better sort of Republicans as by
Democrats. Notably the Republicans retained in subordinate positions
are the very men who are accused of being hand in glove with the Tam-
many Ring. What, for instance, will the long and bitter comi)laints
against the Police Commission and the Department for the Survey of
l^iew Buildings amount to if those matters are left in just the hands
which have hitherto controlled them ?

f? How can the Mayor jiistifg himself, now that he has placed the Con-
solidated Street and Croton Departments in the control of a. man v/ho is
the tcry soul of the corrcption of Tammany Hall?

[TiTnes, April 13, 1870.]
Our New City Government.

From beginning to end tlie Tweed party has not manifested tlie slightest
disposition to evade or prevaricate.

* * * * * * **

It remains, now, to canvass tlie merits of the other appointments, and
to do it in a fair and uupartisan spirit.

Before doing so, however, we feel justified in utterly disclaiming any
OBLIGATION upon the part of the Republican party for the appointment
of a minority of the several Commissioners from its ranks, and in deny-
ing to Mayor Hall any credit theiefor. The passage of the new charter
and of the election law, — the latter by far the more substantial reform of
the two, — could not have been secured without the help of the Repu-
blicans in the Legislature, and hence the credit is as much llieirs as it
is that of the Tweed Democracy.

*******

As a whole, the appointments of the heads of the various departments
of the City Government, which have been announced by the Mayor,
are far above the average in point of personal fitness, and should be satis-
factory. Many of them are excellent, some are bad, and others really
ofiensive; still the good are in a large majority, and so distributed that,
with a single exception, they can nullify and control the others. Con-
sidering the partisan obligations to be recognized, and the diverse inter-
ests to be conciliated and kept in harmony, we feel inclined to be thank-
ful, if not entirely satisfied with the result.

Beyond these general remarks, we cannot proceed with propriety or
pleasure to make any personal mention, further than to record our very
decided protest against the personnel of the Excise Commission.

The objection was not to Tweed or Sweeny, or to any but
the most inconsiderable of their followers.

Laudations of Tweed.

[Times, April 8, 1870.]

Senator Tweed is in a fair way to distinguish himself as a reformer.
Having gone so far as the champion of the new election bill and char-
ter, he seems to have no idea of turning back. Perhaps, like Macbeth,
he thinks that under existing circumstances "returning were as tedious
as go o'er," but at all events he has put the people of Manhattan Island
under great obligations. His last proposition to abolish the Board of
Supervisors of New York and transfer their functions to the Mayor,
Recorder, and new Board of Aldermen is the crowning act of all. It
strikes a blow at one of the most corrupt departments of our Govern-
ment, and one which is as useless as a fifth wheel to a coach. We trust
that Senator Tweed will manifest the same energy in the advocacy of this last
refm'm which marked his action in regard to the charter."

Confidence of the Republicans in Tweed.

{Times Editorial, May 1, 1870.]
* * * * * * * **.

The selection of Mr. Tracy for that position by the Board of Public
Works has an added significance in the comfortable assurance which it
affords to the tax-payers of our City that the Mctnicipal Regime now be-
ing ESTABLISHED will be in the general interest, and that the policy of the
Board of Works, iinrfer Mr. Tweed's directions, \\\\\ be strictly in ac-
cord with the assurances which were given when the new Charter was
adopted. It is evident that the Democratic leaders who liave been en-
trusted with the control of the City Government are disposed to act in good
faith, and that the confidence which was bestowed upon them by the RE-
PUBLICANS in the Legislature, as well as by our best citizens, was not
misplaced.

Confidence of the Republicans in A. Oakey Hall.

[Times Editorial, April 10, 1870.]

It is seldom that so high a personal compliment is paid to a public
officer as was involved to him by the jmssage of the new Charter. We
trust that he duly appreciates it, and that he will act in a manner to
justify it. There were those who hesitated at placing such great powers
in his hands— powers which were fraught willi permanent remits for
good or evil to the municipality ; but it was finally concluded that he
was worthy of the trust. REPUBLICANS and Democrats alike testified
in his behalf, and have practically put in his keeping the Future of the
City for a series of years. Under such circumstances Mayor Hall can-
not do otherwise than respond favorably to the general expectation and
confidence so flatteringly extended to him. He must, and WE have no
DOUBT he will, appoint tlie very best men whose services can be secured
to the heads of the various departments.

[Times Editorial, May 8, 1870.]

Whether the Mayor proposed it or not, he certainly approves the
idea of having music in the parks for the benefit of the people who
cannot aff'ord to spend much money in amusements. * * *

The Mayor and his triends will deserve the thanks of the public if
they persevere with the design, in spite of all objections.

[Times Editorial, June 7th, 1870.]
*******

Upon the result of its action the success of the new experiment very
largely depends, and it is to be hoped that the nembers will address
themselves to the work before them in a spirit of 'Mse reform, and with an
unpartisan regard for the general good. The Mayor^s message, at any rate,
shows them the road they ought to jmrsue.

The Chakter obtained by laying Republicans and
against Samuel J. Tilden.

[Times Editorial, August 17, 1871.]

" The recent revelations respecting the finances of our city, show how
NECESSARY it Seemed to the Tammany leaders to find some pretext for
legislation which woald perpetuate their control of the affairs of the city

government, not only as against the Republicans but against the Demo-
crats, among whom existed a wide spread discontent. The awfuUest tyran-
ny of the politicians who controlled Tammany Hall, had already cotv-
solidated an opposition, which had the power to overthrow them, and
this opposition manifested itself immediately upon the assembling of
the Legislature of 1870. The cry of a new charter was started in the
expectation that one might be passed which would prolong the tenure
of Tammany's power. A charter was proposed by the Tammany men;
but the Young Democracy at once dispelled these fond hopes by
defeating it. It was then that Sweeney, true to his cowardly instincts,
took himself away fiom Albany in confusion and fright, leaving
general dismay in his rear. Soon, however, the idea of buying a char-
ter THROUGH got possession of the mind of the magnates, and negotia-
tions were promptly set on foot. There icere a few indignant protests against
the scheme uttered by such high-toned Democrats as Samuel J. Tildek
and others of his character ; but they were without effect, for Tweed
and Sweeney had the voters already bought iip. Of all the Bepublican
Senators, Senator Thayer alone, is on record as voting against it.

Two days before the passage of the Charter of April 5th, 1870, the
defeat of the Charter which gave Spring elections — no appointments
till after a new election — and created full responsibility to the people
was thus described. The defeat of this Charter and the passage of
the other were part of the same scheme.

\IH,mes Editorial, April 3, 1870.]
The Victory of the Ring.

A great battle has lately been fought at Albany. It was known far
and wide that such a battle was to be fought. The confidence of the
leaders of one army was so sanguine and so freely expressed, that a
considerable part of the community seemed to believe in their antici-
pated victory. Opinif)n, at least, was pretty fairly divided, much as it
used to be in New York, over the first day's news of a general engage-
ment between the Union and Confederate armies. The news of a re-
sult e.Kactly opposite to tliat so buoyantly prognosticated, was so stun-
ning in some quarters as the news of Austerlitz was to Pitt. Numbers
thereafter went about asking how it happened that clever men — for
among the heads of the "Young Democracy" there are clever men-
could have been so egregiously deceived. Yet the answer is very sim-
ple. Tliere was something to be bought, and there was plenty of money
to buy it. All tliat was needed besides, was plenty of nerve, and plenty
of shrewdness, and the " Ring " has never shown itself deficient in
either of these desiderants.

*********

By habits and education, the strong men of the " Ring" work habitu-
ally in that way. They are sagacious, energetic, and manifestly belifve
they are justified in the adoiition of extraordinary means to gain the
end of a PROTRACTED TENURE of power. With such oligarchs as
these in ofllce, strongly banded together and possessed of almost limit-
less wealth, it is not easy to see what machinery of popular government
could be devised that they might not go behind to run it for their own
purposes. * *' * * * * * *

[Times, April 13, 1870.] •
* *********

The passage of the new charter and of the Election law, tJts latter by far
tJie more suhstuntial reform of the two — could not have been secured wituout
the help of the Republicans in the Legislature, and hence tile credit is as
MUCH THEIRS OS it IS that of the Tweed Democracy.

********* ^(

[ T'imes Editorial, April Qth.'\

One of the most sini^ular things connected with the wliole affair
seems to us to be the entire lack of influence exerted by the Union
League Club, or by Mr. Greeley, as their accredited spokesman, even
upon the Republican members of the LegishUure. It would have been
fair to expect that so pronounced an e.rpre/<si/jn by that body would hace been
headed by at least one Republican Senator, but it seems that it was not.

{Times Editorial, Apiril 12, 1870.]

Checkmate in two Moves.

********

While Mr. Greelej^ was thus flirting with IVIorrissey and O'Brien, the
Uniim League Club — which a great authority has told us consists of a
" narrow-minded set of blocklieads" — deputed him to go to Albany to
protest against the charter as it then stood. Mr. Greeley went, and very
opi)Osite accounts have been given of his doings at the capital. His
cour-e seems to have been a little wild. Like other persons given to
flirting, first he would, and tlien he wnuldn't. Tlie result was, that be-
tween two stools he came to the gi-ound. He did the Tweed iiarty no
harm, and tlie narrow-minded set of blockheads no good. There was
no one lelt to comfort the great political economist ; he was left for-
saken, evoi by Mr. Samuel Tilden — like Dido deserted ^neas. Sliort,
indeed, lias been the new aHiance — like the bab}' mentioned in the epi-
taph, one wonders what on earth it was begun for. Presently we shall
see anotlier long letter addressed to "Samuel Tilden, Esq.," informing
him that he is also no better than one of the wicked.

******

The Union League Club thought they could do as they pleased with
the plaja^-s on each side, but like the traditional " Three Tailors of
Tooley street," they are left gazing at the stars on their backs. The
rebellious Democrats are receiving baskets of saw-dust, one after the
other. Of their successors we shall have more to say to-morrow. At
present we only hint to the victorious section — no opportunity lasts
long which is not used wisely 3Ir. Tweed and his friends are not so
POOR but they could manage to exist under a purer form of Government
than we have seen of late years in the city.

The Mayor's proclamation was propably suggested, at least in part,
by his well-known propensity to "poke fiin" at the conii);iny which he
happens to be addressing. He l)egins Ijy telling the Republicans that
but for his own incurable good nature, he might have driven them all
foith into the hungry world without a crust. "" He would be politically
justified" in conferring "every one of the thirty two ai>poinfments upon
Democrats." But he is mercifid, and will give some of the crumbs that
fall from the table to the Republicans.

Let us be thankful— only we have a vague idea fhat the Republtmns were
rathe?- useful to the authors of the new charter in tlie recent contest. But
for the Republicans, the Toeing Democracy might to-day be at the top of the
tree, and the grand sachems hanging all of a row to the lower branches. But
the Mayor is not serious. He must Lave bis joke. Mr. Hall and his
associates will doubtless show a proper appreciation of the assistance
rendered them by the Republicans when the enemy was crying, " War
to the knife, and the knife to the hilt."

Jeering of the Ring's Enemies.

{Times, April 19, 1870.)

Now is the triumph of Tweed complete ! In the innermost recesses
of Tammany the two facitions met last night in mortal conflict — and the
representatives of the Young Democracy were left upon the ground,
helpless and humiliated. At the annual meeting for the election of
officers, two tickets were presented — one beginning with Mr. Oakey
Hall and ending with Mr. Sweeny ; the other embracing Messrs. Fox,
Tilden, Morrissey, Marble, A. H. Green, and other heroes of the O'Biien
faction.

[Times Editorial, August, 17, 1871.]

J The Central Parle .^ and How it Fell into the Hands of the

Ring.

1 It was fcr a long time doubted whether it could be possible that the

Senate would ever consent to put the Central Park under the control of
the City Ring. Public meetings exclaimed against such an outrage,
and a large deputation of influential citizens was sent to Albany to bear
the peoi)le's protest. Arriving at Albany, these gentlemen received
from Tweed ana Sweeny, full assurances that the Park Commission
should be retained under the new charter, and that no essential change
should be made in its personnel. Mk. Nathaniel Sands was prolific
of the promises in the same direction. There seemed to be no one
really in favor of touching the Park Commissioners. But it subsequently
appeared Mr. Tom. Fields, Mr. Henht Hilton, and Mr. Peter B.
Sweeny, were the chief agents in foisting this oljnoxious feature into
the charter.

*******

And by this precious trio was perpetrated this outrageous act, which
INSULTED public sentiment, by interfering with and partially destroying
the Central Park Commission, whose record was unstained, and whose
noble services were appreciated by every man, woman, and child in
New York. ******

The charter passed. It gave A. Oaket Hall the appointment of about
forty heads of Departments, and, among them, of five members of the
Department of Parks. Only about ten days more official life was givvn to
the Park Commissioners, and then they ceased to be. The new Depart-
ment of Parks made its entry upon the stage, and took possession of a
work for which its members were utterly unfitted, as will he shoAvn
with reasonable clearness when we come to consider wJu> they were, and
by whom they were appointed.

Confidence in Sweeny.

[Times, May 21, 1870.]

Central Park.

Yesterday the Commissioners of Public Parks lield a meeting, Mr.
Peter B. Sweeny presiding. Nothing was done which tends to justify
the apprehensions of those who looked upon a change in tlie old Com-
mission as a sure precursor of an era of chaos and jobbery. Mr.
Sweeny has distinctly pM^etZ hirascir n'^t ^-^ permit any tampering with
a property which the public values above all its other possessions. That
he will be faithful to his word the meeting yesterday afiorded afresh
guarantee.

The " Ring'"' Sham of a " ReforirC Common Council — -

Patronized.
[Times Editorial, May 3, 1870.]

THE ALDEKMANIC TICKET,

We trust that Mayor Hall and his coadjutors, in the preparation of
the ticket to be presented to our citizens at the forthcoming election of
Aldermen, will not forget the pledges given when the new charter was
under consideration at Albany.

**********

If the promoters of the new charter are prepared to act fairly — if they
desire to make effective the reform implied in the abolition of the old
Board of Aldermen — they will discard -jveak and worthless names,
whatever their professed political affiliations, and will give to the city a
list which shall at once furnish a guarantee of upright local govern-
ment, and redeem the promise with which Messrs. Tweed and Hall
rescued the charter from jeopardy.

[Times Editorial, May 19, 1870.] *

MtTNICEPAL POLITICS.

The public apathy about political afiiiirs which exists in this City is
undoubtedly caused in a great degree, by the unwillingness of respect-
able men to fill municipal offices. The Democrats, to do them justice,
made an effort to put respectable names on their Aldermanic ticket, but
themercharts and bankers, whom they nominated, and in whose hands
everybody acknowledges the municipal interests would be perfectly safe —
at least as far as their power went — refused to serve, aud we were ac-
cordingly furnished with a second edition, made up of the same old
party hacks from whose rule we have already suffered so much.

These extracts prove :

1st. That at the time the Charter of 1870 was passed, the
Times knew its nature, objects and effect ; knew that it oper-
ated to put Tweed, Hall and Sweeny in supreme dominion

over the people of this city for a series of years, without any
power to remove thera, without any power in the people, at an
election, to change the system or the men.

2ncl. That the Twies not only knew beforehand that Tweed,
Hall and Sweeney were to he made dictators of the city for a
long series of years by the Charter of 1870, bnt after the
appointments had been made, it approved them. It continued
from day to day, during the Summer, its plaudits of Tweed,
Hall and Sweeney, and never intimated discontent with (hem
till September 20th, and then chiefly employed itself in attack-
ing their Democratic adversaries.

During this period, the greatest frauds which have been
since disclosed, were perpetrated.

3rd. That at the time the Charter passed, the Times knew
the corrupt mesus by which it was carried.

One of these means, was a division of offices, agreed upon, be-
fore the vote, between the "Ring" and corrupt Republicans.
' These ao-reements the Times avowed. It claimed the fulfil-
mentofthem. It asserted that the Charter could not have
passed without the aid of the Republicans. It said : " Mr.
Hall and his associates will doubtless show a proper appre-
ciation of the assistance rendered them by the Republicans."
It commended the "Ring" for keeping its bargain, saying,
four days after the division of offices had been carried into
eflfect, "the Tweed party has not manifested the slightest dis-
position to evade or prevaricate."

The other means was the buyiivg of the Republican Senators
and Assemblymen with MONEY.

This also the Times knew before the passage of the Charter.
It said, April 3d, " There was something to be bought and
plenty of MONEY to BUY it.

It said afterwards (Aug. iVth, ISVl), "Tweed and Sweeney
had the votes already bought up. Of ALL the Republican Sena-
tors, Senator Thayer alone is on record voting against it."

4th. That the Times knew, when the Charter passed, it

could not 1)0 done without a large support of the Repub-
licans, and against the resistance iuid protest of .Mr. Tilden
and other Denioerats.

It asserted (April 12th, 1870), that "but for the Repub-
licans" the Tweed Democracy might have been beaten by
Democratic resistiince.

It claimed (April i:Uh, l.SVo) that tlie Cliarter "could not
have been secured unfliont the help of the Republicans in the
Legislature, and hence the credit is as mich thelvK as it is that
of the Tweed Democracy."

It declared the year after (August 17th, 18V1), that "the
tyranny of Tammany Hall had already consolidated an op-
position which had the power to overthrow them," when
the " idi'a of lu vix(; a Charter thkough got possession of
the minds of the mngnates,. and negotiations were promptly
set on foot."

It helped to (tarry, the Charter over the Union Loiigue, the
Tribune^ the World, the Evetiing Post and the Sun, and
against the open opposition of Mr. Tilden. It ridiculed the
Union League and Mr. Tilden, and exulted in Tweed's
triumph over him in 1870; but, in 1871, it said " Tiiere were
a few indignant protests against the scheme uttered by such
high-toned Democn-ats as Samuel J. Tilden, but they were
without effect, for Tweed and Sweeny had the voters already
bought up."

Finally, these extracts prove not only that Mr. Tilden's
narration of the " conspiracy" against the City by the Char-
ter of 1870, and the action under it and the means and
objects for which it Avas obtained, is correct ; but that the
Times knew all about tiie facts at the time, and that, with
that knowledge, it joined the conspiracy and did its utmost to
;give success to the conspiracy.

The part it took in that transaction was a calamitous mis-
take, as well as a great wrong to the people.

It might pass silently from the public memory, if the Tlnies
had not revived the discussion of these events by an effort to
apply whatever of credit it gained in 1871 for aiding to undo

its 'own work of 1870, to the consummation of a still greater
crime in 1873 — the creation of a new "Ring," on the ruins of
the Municipal Reform Movement, by a new Charter which imi-
tates the fraudulent devices of the Tweed Charter of 1870;
and for the purpose of serving that end, had not employed the
elaborate and numerous false statements which have made an
answer necessary.

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Full text of "The New York city "Ring": its origin, maturity and fall, discussed in a reply to the New York Times"

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